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LEVEL 1 - 1 OF 12 STORIES
Copyright 1994 South China Morning Post Ltd.
South China Morning Post
May 19, 1994
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 14
LENGTH: 720 words
HEADLINE: Exiles due to visit for June 4
BYLINE: By CHAN WAI-FONG
BODY:
TWO prominent Chinese dissidents in exile have been invited to Hong Kong for
the June 4 anniversary activities this year.
But it is not yet certain whether they will be issued visas. This is despite
many visits to Hong Kong by one of them, Liu Binyan, before the Tiananmen Square
crackdown, and a brief visit immediately afterwards.
South China Morning Post, May 19, 1994
The University of Democracy, a support group formed after the crackdown, has
also invited Ruan Ming, former secretary to the late party boss Hu Yaobang.
Mr Liu, 67, a former reporter with the People's Daily, was kicked out of the
Chinese Communist Party in January 1987. He left China in March 1988 to take up
a Nieman Fellowship in Journalism at Harvard University.
Later branded a ''traitor to the nation'' for advocating sanctions
against
China, Mr Liu is apparently on China's wanted list.
Vowing to return to China, Mr Liu said that he would only do so if China
allowed him to remain free.
He and Mr Ruan are in exile in the United States.
Mak Lok-sun, chairman of the standing committee of the University of
Democracy, said he could sense nervousness on China's side as the anniversary
drew near.
Mr Mak believed that China would not conspicuously exert pressure to bar the
entry of Mr Liu and Mr Ruan.
South China Morning Post, May 19, 1994
This was because former Tiananmen Square student leader Zhou Yongjun,
after nearly a year in exile in the US, was allowed to visit Hong Kong last
month.
''It is a sensitive time, and we would wait until the visas are issued
before we start with the publicity,'' Mr Mak said.
Mr Liu and Mr Ruan would be speakers at a seminar to be held on June 4.
The University of Democracy is also organising an art exhibition, called
''Tiananmen Square - Yesterday and Today'' to commemorate the anniversary.
''These are mourning instead of commemorating activities. This year we want
to look back and also ahead. We want to discuss what is the appropriate attitude
to adopt (towards China),'' Mr Mak said.
Meanwhile, the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic
Movement in China is also organising a series of activities for the anniversary.
The programme will kick off on Sunday with the flying of kites and ends with
the usual candlelight vigil at Victoria Park.
South China Morning Post, May 19, 1994
The number of participants has dwindled, but alliance spokesman Cheung Man
-kwong said this was the ''law of mass movements''.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: June 15, 1994
LEVEL 1 - 2 OF 12 STORIES
Copyright 1991 The British Broadcasting Corporation
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts
January 28, 1991, Monday
SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; B. INTERNAL AFFAIRS; 2. CHINA; FE/0981/B2/ 1;
LENGTH: 762 words
HEADLINE: WANG DAN AND 250 ANTIGOVERNMENT RIOT ''OFFENDERS'' SENTENCED
SOURCE: Xinhua News Agency, Peking, in English 0847 gmt 26 Jan 91
Text of report
in Chinese 1006 gmt
1030 gmt and China Central Television
1100 gmt
The British Broadcasting Corporation, January 28, 1991
BODY:
Wang Dan and 250 other offenders, who were arrested for violating laws during
the anti-government turmoil and rebellion in 1989, have been dealt with
respectively according to different criminal circumstances in Peking recently,
Xinhua learned here today [Peking, 26th January] .
Eighteen of the offenders have been released by public security and
procuratorial organs as they committed only minor crimes and have shown
repentance and performed meritorious services. Eight others, who were accused by
procuratorial organs, have been tried publicly by the Peking municipal
intermediate people's court.
It is learned that 45 more offenders with minor crimes were excused from
arrest. They showed repentance after receiving education during the
investigations of their cases by the public security organs. They have been
given lenient treatment respectively in the past a few months after making
written promises to repent.
The municipal intermediate people's court publicly sentenced Wan Dan and
seven other offenders here today.
The British Broadcasting Corporation, January 28, 1991
Liu Xiaobo, who committed serious crimes but has acknowledged them, showed
repentance and performed some major meritorious services, was exempted from
criminal punishment; Chen Lai and Li Chenghuan, who committed less serious
crimes and showed repentance, were also exempted from criminal punishment.
Yao Junling was given a lesser punishment of two years' imprisonment with a
one-year deprivation of political rights. Wang Dan, who committed serious
crimes, but has shown such repentance as confessing his own crimes and exposing
others, was given a lesser punishment of four years' imprisonment with a
one-year deprivation of political rights; Guo Haifeng, a lesser punishment of
four years in jail with a one-year deprivation of political rights. Bao Zunxin,
who committed serious crimes, but has repented, also got a lesser punishment of
five years' imprisonment with a two-year deprivation of political rights.
However, Ren Wanding, who was found guilty of grave crimes and showed no
repentance, was sentenced to an imprisonment of seven years with a deprivation
of political rights for three years.
The court held separate public hearings of the cases of Wang Dan and the
seven others between 8th and 23rd January . Previously, the city's public
security organs investigated their cases one by one and transferred the cases to
the procuratorial organs for reviewing. The latter then instituted public
The British Broadcasting Corporation, January 28, 1991
prosecutions against the offenders. The public hearings were attended
respectively by more than 300 local residents, including family members of the
accused and teachers and students from local universities and colleges. Lawyers
of the accused conducted defence on their behalf.
The court, after hearings, confirmed that some of the eight defendants,
resorting to various means, wantonly conducted public agitation to subvert the
people's government and the socialist system during the 1989 turmoil and
rebellion, and others made Molotov cocktails to attack the armed forces
enforcing the martial law and helping safeguard public order, and performed
other acts of sabotage. Their actions violated the country's criminal law and
constituted crimes, according to the court decisions.
It is learned that the court handled the cases separately on the principle of
taking facts as the basis and the law as the criterion and of combining
punishment with leniency, and passed sentences according to the concrete
circumstances and endangerment of the crimes and the defendants' attitude
towards their crimes and repentance.
The court also told the accused that they may, if disagreeing with the court
decisions, appeal to the Higher People's Court within 10 days from the next day
after they received the written judgments. The term of fixed imprisonment for
The British Broadcasting Corporation, January 28, 1991
a criminal is to be shortened by days spent in custody before the judgment
begins to be executed.
Eighteen offenders who committed minor offences and showed repentance have
been freed. Eleven of them, including Lu Jiamin, Chen Po, Liu Suli, Xiong Yan,
Ding Xiaoping and Wen Jie, were released according to decisions made by the
Peking municipal procuratoriate branch. The seven others, including Zhou
Yongjun, Chen Wei and Zhang Wei, were freed in accordance with decisions made
by the Peking municipal public security bureau.
[Note This report was also carried on 26th January by Xinhua News Agency (in
Chinese 1006 gmt), Central People's Broadcasting Station, Peking home service
(1030 gmt and China Central Television (1100 gmt)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 3 OF 12 STORIES
Copyright 1991 The Washington Post
The Washington Post
January 27, 1991, Sunday, Final Edition
SECTION: FIRST SECTION; PAGE A14
LENGTH: 946 words
HEADLINE: Chinese Activists Sentenced;
Student Leader Wang Given 4-Year Term
SERIES: Occasional
BYLINE: Lena H. Sun, Washington Post Foreign Service
DATELINE: BEIJING, Jan. 26, 1991
BODY:
Wang Dan, the most prominent student leader of the 1989 democracy movement,
was sentenced to four years in prison today for his role in the protests, while
one of China's veteran dissidents, Ren Wanding, received a seven-year term
The Washington Post, January 27, 1991
because he "showed no repentance," the official New China News Agency reported.
The two were among 26 activists whose cases were settled today in the second
major round of proceedings against students and intellectuals accused of playing
key roles in the demonstrations, which were crushed by the army on June 4, 1989.
Five activists received prison terms, three were convicted but exempted from
criminal punishment, and 18 were released without trial, including one student
leader who was on the government's 21-most-wanted list.
The sentences handed down today by the Beijing Municipal Intermediate
People's Court are considered fairly lenient by Chinese government standards. By
international human rights standards, however, most of the activists, who were
exercising basic rights of free speech and assembly, deserved no criminal
punishment.
Wang, a Beijing University history student, headed the government's
most-wanted list of student leaders. He went on trial Wednesday on charges of
counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement, and the proceedings lasted three
hours, Chinese sources said. His parents were not notified until the morning of
the trial.
The Washington Post, January 27, 1991
Today's official news agency account said Wang "committed serious crimes but
has shown such repentance as confessing his own crimes and exposing others." The
government's claim may have been an attempt to discredit Wang with the country's
pro-democracy forces and eliminate his effectiveness as a leader in future
movements.
Longtime human rights campaigner Ren received the most severe sentence today.
Ren, who began his trial Jan. 8 on the same charges as Wang, "was found guilty
of grave crimes and showed no repentance," the news agency reported. An
accountant in his mid-forties, Ren was a major figure in the democracy movement
of 1978-79, but played only a relatively minor role in the seven weeks of mass
protests that began in the spring of 1989.
Under the Chinese judicial system, which is controlled by the Communist
Party, defendants are under enormous pressure to confess, for which they may
receive leniency, while those who resist are dealt with severely. Furthermore,
according to Chinese sources, many of the defendants were forced to use
government-appointed lawyers, who were barred from pleading not guilty.
In the 19 months since the army killed hundreds of people to crush the
protests, the authorities have concentrated on trying and sentencing workers or
unemployed people involved in the movement.
The Washington Post, January 27, 1991
This second wave of prosecutions, begun three months ago, is considered
politically more sensitive because it is directed at students and intellectuals
whom the government has identified as top leaders of the democracy movement.
These trials represent "the government's symbolic decapitation of the 1989
pro-democracy movement," according to a report by Asia Watch, a New York-based
human rights organization.
The Chinese government, which came under international sanctions for the army
attack on protesters, is apparently pressing the trials now to take advantage of
the world's preoccupation with the Persian Gulf War.
The authorities also have been concerned about domestic political currents,
and the timing of the trials indicates that they believe the situation inside
the country has stabilized, analysts said.
Even though the government today announced the release of many of the accused
and exempted some from "criminal punishment," most of the individuals have been
incarcerated for more than 18 months without formal charges. All of the
sentences handed down today included time already served.
The Washington Post, January 27, 1991
Others who received sentences today include Bao Zunxin, a philosopher in his
fifties who argued against martial law, and Guo Haifeng, a Beijing University
student who knelt on the steps of the Great Hall of the People to submit a
petition to the government. Bao, who also was reported to have "repented" by the
news agency, was sentenced to five years. Guo was convicted of
counterrevolutionary sabotage for attempting to set fire to an armored vehicle,
and was sentenced to four years in prison.
Of the three who were convicted but exempted from punishment, the most
prominent is university lecturer and literary critic Liu Xiaobo. He returned to
China in April 1989 from the United States, where he had been a visiting scholar
at Columbia University. Liu's trial on charges of counterrevolutionary
propaganda and incitement began last week. The news agency said he "committed
serious crimes but has acknowledged them, showed repentance and performed some
major meritorious services."
The agency did not elaborate, but Liu's "meritorious services" probably
refers to the night of the Chinese army attack, when Liu helped persuade student
protesters to peacefully leave Tiananmen Square and negotiated with the army to
allow them to retreat.
The Washington Post, January 27, 1991
The 18 who were released without trial include three university lecturers, Lu
Jiamin, Liu Suli and Chen Po, and two student leaders, Xiong Yan and Zhou
Yongjun.
Several prominent intellectuals who the government claims were the movement's
hard-core organizers are awaiting trial and are likely to receive harsh
sentences.
The official news agency's account said the hearings were public, attended by
more than 300 local residents, with lawyers defending the accused. But admission
to the trials was closely controlled by authorities, and closed to foreign
reporters and diplomats.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 4 OF 12 STORIES
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service
The materials in the Xinhua file were compiled by The Xinhua News Agency. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Xinhua News Agency.
JANUARY 26, 1991, SATURDAY
LENGTH: 717 words
HEADLINE: another group of offenders involved in anti-government riots sentenced
in beijing
DATELINE: beijing, january 26; ITEM NO: 0126123
BODY:
wang dan and 25 other offenders, who were arrested for violating laws during
the anti-government turmoil and rebellion in 1989, have been dealt with
respectively according to different criminal circumstances in beijing recently,
xinhua learned here today. eighteen of the offenders have been released by
public security and procuratorial organs as they committed only minor crimes and
have shown repentance and performed meritorious services. eight others, who
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JANUARY 26, 1991
were accused by procuratorial organs, have been tried publicly by the beijing
municipal intermediate people's court. it is learned that 45 more offenders
with minor crimes were excused from arrest. they showed repentance after
receiving education during the investigations of their cases by the public
security organs. they have been given lenient treatment respectively in the past
a few months after making written promises to repent. the municipal
intermediate people's court publicly sentenced wan dan and seven other offenders
here today. liu xiaobo, who committed serious crimes but has acknowledged them,
showed repentance and performed some major meritorious services, was exempted
from criminal punishment, chen lai and li chenghuan, who committed less serious
crimes and showed repentance, were also exempted from criminal punishment. yao
junling was given a lesser punishment of two years' imprisonment with a one-year
deprivation of political rights, wang dan, who committed serious crimes but has
shown such repentance as confessing his own crimes and exposing others, was
given a lesser punishment of four years' imprisonment with a one-year
deprivation of political rights. guo haifeng, a lesser punishment of four years
in jail with a one-year deprivation of political rights. bao zunxin, who
committed serious crimes but has repented, also got a lesser punishment of five
years' imprisonment with a two-year deprivation of political rights. however,
ren wanding, who was found guilty of grave crimes and showed no repentance, was
sentenced to an imprisonment of seven years with a deprivation of political
rights for three years.
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JANUARY 26, 1991
the court held separate public hearings of the cases of wang dan and the
seven others between january 8 and 23. previously, the city's public security
organs investigated their cases one by one and transferred the cases to the
procuratorial organs for reviewing. the latter then instituted public
prosecutions against the offenders. the public hearings were attended
respectively by more than 300 local residents including family members of the
accused and teachers and students from local universities and colleges. lawyers
of the accused conducted defense on their behalf. the court, after hearings,
confirmed that some of the eight defendants, resorting to various means,
wantonly conducted public agitation to subvert the people's government and the
socialist system during the 1989 turmoil and rebellion, and others made molotov
cocktails to attack the armed forces enforcing the martial law and helping
safeguard public order and performed other acts of sabotage. their actions
violated the country's criminal law and constituted crimes, according to the
court decisions. it is learned that the court handled the cases separately in
the principle of taking facts as the basis and the law as the criterion and of
combining punishment with leniency, and passed sentences according to the
concrete circumstances and endangerment of the crimes and the defendants'
attitude towards their crimes and repentance. the court also told the accused
that they may, if disagreeing with the court decisions, appeal to the higher
people's court within ten days from the next day after they received the written
judgments. the term of fixed imprisonment for a criminal is to be shortened by
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JANUARY 26, 1991
days spent in custody before the judgment begins to be executed. eighteen
offenders who committed minor offences and showed repentance have been freed.
eleven of them, including lu jiamin, chen po, liu suli, xiong yan, ding xiaoping
and wen jie, were released according to decisions made by the beijing municipal
procuratoriate branch. the seven others, including zhou yongjun, chen wei and
zhang wei, were freed in accordance with decisions made by the beijing municipal
public security bureau.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: January 27, 1991
LEVEL 1 - 5 OF 12 STORIES
Copyright 1990 Newspaper Publishing PLC
The Independent
November 28, 1990, Wednesday
SECTION: FOREIGN NEWS PAGE; Page 17
LENGTH: 662 words
HEADLINE: Revenge for Tiananmen
BYLINE: From ANDREW HIGGINS in Peking
BODY:
SETTLING accounts for last year's student-led revolt, Chinese authorities
have charged at least six jailed intellectuals with ''counter-revolutionary''
crimes, the final act of a 17-month search for scapegoats.
The charges, confirmed by family members and friends but unreported in the
official press, pave the way for the most important round of
politically-motivated legal vengeance in a decade. By bringing a core group of
dissidents to trial as behind-the-scenes ''black hands'', the authorities aim
1990 The Independent, November 28, 1990
to show that last year's uprising was not, as most evidence suggests, a largely
spontaneous outpouring of popular dissatisfaction but a ''planned conspiracy''
to subvert communist rule.
Hundreds of workers have already been sentenced to prison and, in dozens of
cases, death for violence committed last year. Until now, however, hardline
leaders, fearful of diplomatic fallout, shied away from prosecuting academics
and students who led the protests.
Li Peng, the Prime Minister, told visiting US congressmen earlier this month
that the fate of jailed dissidents would be decided ''relatively soon''. Family
members have been notified of charges but not of trial dates, but expect secret
trials to begin in the next few weeks.
The timing has been chosen with care. Europe has already lifted sanctions
imposed after the 4 June massacre and the United States has lost interest in
China's human rights record because it needs Peking's vote in the United Nations
before it can strike Iraq. In the latest diplomatic breakthrough for Peking,
James Baker, the Secretary of State, yesterday invited Qian Qichen, the Chinese
Foreign Minister, to America for an ''official visit''.
1990 The Independent, November 28, 1990
Sources close to jailed activists say police have now compiled evidence to
prosecute at least 10 key strategists behind the protests. The decision shows
that despite the release of more than 800 political detainees this year the
leadership remains determined to find scapegoats for last year's turmoil.
The Independent has received confirmation that six people have already been
formally charged. They are Wang Juntao and Chen Ziming, leading lights in a now
disbanded radical think-tank, Liu Xiaobo, a literary theorist, Liu Suli, a
political science lecturer at the University of Politics and Law, Zhou
Yongjun, a student leader at the same college, and Ren Wanding, a veteran
human rights campaigner who spent four years in jail after the 1979 Democracy
Wall movement.
The most serious charges are against Mr Wang and Mr Chen, whom the government
has cast as the main actors in an alleged plot to subvert the state. They were
arrested last October in the southern cities of Changsha and Zhanjiang. Also
seized was Mr Chen's wife, Wang Zhihong, but sources say she was released last
week. On Saturday, the Peking Public Security Bureau advised relatives that both
Mr Wang and Mr Chen would stand trial for two of communist China's gravest
crimes: ''conspiracy to overthrow the government'' and ''counter-revolutionary
propaganda and agitation''. The four others will stand trial for only the second
of these, which carries a minimum sentence of five years, and have been spared
1990 The Independent, November 28, 1990
the graver charge of sedition, which if proved ''particularly heinous'' is
punishable by death.
Under China's legal system, being charged normally amounts to conviction. All
six have been denied permission to hire lawyers and must accept state-appointed
advocates. Others likely to be prosecuted include Wang Dan, the Peking
University student leader; Bao Zunxin, the editor and historian and Chen
Xiaoping, the scholar.
The principal question hanging over their trials will be whether the current
leadership will attempt to implicate either the purged party boss, Zhao Ziyang,
or his aides in the alleged conspiracy. Mr Zhao's closest adviser, Bao Tong, was
arrested soon after the 4 June massacre and hardliners in the leadership have
have been trying to tie him into their conspiracy theory.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 6 OF 12 STORIES
Copyright 1990 U.P.I.
November 27, 1990, Tuesday, BC cycle
SECTION: International
LENGTH: 671 words
HEADLINE: China tightens noose on Tiananmen activists
BYLINE: BY SARAH LUBMAN
DATELINE: BEIJING
BODY:
China is tightening the noose around a group of prominent dissidents branded
as core agitators in the 1989 Tiananmen Spring democracy movement, charging at
least four in recent days with counterrevolution or sedition.
Only two jailed activists -- editor Wang Juntao, 32, and economist Chen
Ziming, 38 -- face trial on both offenses, suggesting the communist government
is saddling them with responsibility for the movement now branded a
United Press International November 27, 1990, Tuesday, BC
cycle
''counterrevolutionary rebellion.''
Notice of the charges was transmitted to Wang's kin and Chen's kin on Nov.
24 and both families got vague assurances the trials would be swift, friends and
family told United Press International.
Under China's socialist legal system, the filing of formal charges generally
is tantamount to conviction and defendants are expected to earn leniency by
admitting their guilt.
Word of the stiff charges touched off rumors Monday and Tuesday in the
United States and China that Wang already had been tried and sentenced to death.
Conviction on the more serious sedition charge, namely intent to overthrow
the government, carries penalties ranging from long prison terms to death.
University lecturers Liu Suli, 32, and Liu Xiaobo, 35, face trial on the
single charge of spreading counterrevolutionary propaganda, punishable by at
least five to 10 years in prison.
Friends said Liu Suli's family was notified Monday, while Liu Xiaobo's wife
received official notification Nov. 17.
United Press International November 27, 1990, Tuesday, BC cycle
Several other key activists also are known to have been hit with the
counterrevolutionary propaganda charge, including veteran human rights activist
Ren Wanding and China Politics and Law University student union leader Zhou
Yongjun.
China has not publicly acknowledged that it is moving forward with
prosecution of dissidents active in last year's pro-democracy movement, which
was crushed by army tanks and gunfire June 4.
Hard-line Premier Li Peng, in a rare comment on China's human rights
situation, told five visiting U.S. congressmen this month that the charges
against Tiananmen Spring defendants would be resolved ''swiftly.''
Chinese sources have quoted officials as saying the government would show no
mercy to older dissidents who were active in earlier democracy campaigns.
The prosecutions would be the first major political trials in China since
the show-trial convictions of the ultra-leftist Gang of Four in 1977 and of
Democracy Wall activist Wei Jingsheng in 1979.
The Gang of Four, led by Chairman Mao Tse-tung's wife Jiang Qing, was
convicted of persecuting 700,000 people during the chaotic 1966-76 Cultural
United Press International November 27, 1990, Tuesday, BC
cycle
Revolution -- including 35,000 who were hounded to deaths.
Wei, an electrician whose eloquent appeal for new liberties in the 1978-79
Democracy Wall movement alarmed the authoritarian government, was imprisoned for
15 years for leaking secrets to foreign reporters and publishing
counterrevolutionary statements.
China's counterrevolution laws date to 1951 and were revised in 1979 to
prohibit ''acts undertaken with the purpose of overthrowing the political power
of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system and which harm
the Chinese People's Republic.''
Wang and Chen, active in democracy campaigns since the Tiananmen Incident of
1976, were arrested in October 1989 and have been held without charge at
notorious Qincheng Prison outside Beijing.
The pair have been pegged as core agitators in the 1989 movement and branded
as behind-the-scenes ''black hands'' in the official press.
Although China has freed hundreds of activists jailed after the June 4
crackdown, a small number of intellectuals remain behind bars, presumably facing
prosecution.
United Press International November 27, 1990, Tuesday, BC
cycle
Among them are key Beijing University student leader Wang Dan, 21, who
topped a government warrant naming suspected student agitators.
Also facing likely prosecution are Chen Xiaoping, a constitutional law
scholar at Politics and Law University, and Bao Zunxin, a senior historian at
the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 7 OF 12 STORIES
Copyright 1989 The British Broadcasting Corporation
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts
August 16, 1989, Wednesday
SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; B. INTERNAL AFFAIRS; 2. CHINA; FE/0536/B2/ 1;
LENGTH: 2286 words
HEADLINE: STUDENT'S ACCOUNT OF THE PERIOD OF TURMOIL
SOURCE: 'Renmin Ribao' overseas edition in Chinese 10 Aug 89
Text of article by Li Nan (2621 0589) originally published in 'Beijing
Ribao', ''Federation of autonomous student unions has 'educated' us; we shall
mature'' FE/0532 B2/4
BODY:
Recently, many articles have been published by newspapers exposing the truth
about the turmoil and counter-revolutionary riots which were caused by a handful
of people. In this article I would like to say something about the changes in
mind. I did not hold any important post in the ''college students autonomous
The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 16, 1989
federation'' but, ideologically, I could be regarded as one of the ''backbone
elements''. However, facts have taught me a lesson. I hope the people will
believe that the consciousness of all college students will be raised when they
know the facts. I would like to prove this with my own experiences in this
respect.
(1) Before 26th April, I had not heard that the ''federation of autonomous
student unions'' would launch any activities opposing corruption. However, on
27th April slogans were changed suddenly during the processions. I also felt
strange at the time, but hoped that this was the true intention. Therefore, I
did not pay much attention and felt quite happy. After 27th April, I found that
things were not normal.
First, I felt disgusted when I saw that Wuer Kaixi from our school was always
accompanied by two girl students who served as his secretaries and had a special
car taking him in and out of the school. Later, I head some students say that
Wuer Kaixi had engaged in reselling fur goods and daggers for profit in Xinjiang
and had been investigated by the relevant departments because he was responsible
for a loss of over 7,000 yuan.
At the beginning I did not quite believe it, but when I asked his secretary,
she told in secret that it was true but we should be vigilant or ''official
The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 16, 1989
quarters'' might make use of it. I was disgusted with this. People who oppose
corruption should be honest themselves. It was illogical that ''small
speculators'' were eager to fight against corruption. After that I often saw
Wuer Kaixi going to big hotels. Even on 15th May, after he joined the hunger
strike on 13th May, he also had a big meal in a certain hotel. How could such a
person lead us in carrying out the ''struggle'' with sincerity? I was shocked
even more when another chief, who was in charge of financial affairs, fled with
a huge sum of money.
On 25th May, the ''struggle'' in the square was in a very difficult
situation. The students from other places were unable to get proper meals and
Peking residents had lost their enthusiasm in contributing money. While we were
worrying about that, news suddenly spread that the financial minister of the
''federation of autonomous student unions'' had fled with some 10,000 yuan cash.
Although the passage of this news was blocked several times it finally spread
among the students because it was necessary to find someone to replace him. The
students got very angry over this.
Around this time another ''kidnapping'' incident occurred. On a certain day
Chai Ling, general commander in the square, suddently disappeared. We guessed
that she must have been arrested by ''official quarters''. Just when we wanted
to do something we suddently heard that Chai Ling had come back. We all felt
The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 16, 1989
very strange. After investigation we leaned that all this had happened because
of internal conflict Some people suspected that Chai Ling had been dishonest in
handling financial affairs and had taken her aside for examination. Anyway,
there were all sorts of problems among the students and the situation was really
bad.
On a certain day in April I went to Peking University to read bigand
small-character posters. It so happened that Wang Dan was making a broadcast
speech there. As a small-character poster had criticised him for squandering
funds, he was trying hard to explain himself. However, after hearing his speech,
more doubts arose in my heart. He said he was not afraid of being attacked and
slandered. He had already made a statement in a press conference held in the
Shangri-La Hotel. Where could a student like him get such a large sum of money
to hold a press conferece in that hotel? The more he tried to cover up his
offence the more exposed he became. If such things had just been done by one or
two persons occasionally they would not be so serious. However, they had
happened often. This made people bitterly disappointed. Seeing that posters had
been put up everywhere urging people to contribute money, cigarettes and drinks,
and how the ringleaders of the ''federation of autonomous student unions'' had
spent money without restraint, I could only draw the following conclusion These
people cannot lead us in a fight against corruption.
The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 16, 1989
(2) On the afternoon of 5th June something happened at the Peking Teachers'
University gate. After that, a great change took place in my mind. At the time a
crowd of people, including some students from the ''federation of autonomous
student unions'' and others, were discussing what had happened on the morning of
4th June. A man told them that what they said was wrong because he had been at
the scene and knew that PLA personnel had not fired on the people. Before he
could finish speaking he was savagely beaten. We heard him shouting, but could
not hear him clearly. After he freed himself, and with blood on his face, we
learned that he had wanted to say that the PLA personnel had stabbed people with
bayonets and the people around suddenly realised it. We now understand that this
was also a rumour.
What made it hard for me to understand was that among the students beating
the man was one who repeatedly said ''I may disagree with your viewpoint, but I
will always protect your right to speak at all costs.'' However, when he was
beating the man, I could not see that he was acting in accordance with what he
said. I took some photos of the scene. Let them become lasting proof to tell the
youngsters what ''great democracy'' means.
This incident also reminded me of some other past happenings. For example,
our school is not far from Peking Science and Technology University. At the end
of April or beginning of May I saw an incident in that University. One night,
The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 16, 1989
several hundred students led by a person named Liu were trying to seize power in
the student union. I thought that, since it was a struggle for democracy, we
should use democratic methods. However, what we saw was another situation. Many
people had sticks in their hands and some student union cadres were surrounded
by them in the office. The man who led the crowd frequently knocked on the
office door telling them to hand over the office room and seals.
My girl friend was studying at the People's University. At the end of April,
when there was a student strike in her college, she did not want to participate
in it, but some people set up several picket lines, not allowing teachers and
students to go to the classrooms. Some students who had entered classrooms were
pushed outside. She once told me that she could not understand why a democratic
movement should be carried out in this way. There were many, many big and
small-character posters on the campus, attacking and slandering others.
In the beginning I felt that those student cadres who did not participate in
the democratic movement should be rebuked. Later, I gradually realised that
democracy should be combined with legal system and that it is wrong to rebuke
others. One night when I saw a ringleader of the ''federation of autonomous
student unions'' in our college putting up a big-character poster which came out
against the secretary of the college's Communist Youth League committee and
chairman of the student union. I told him not to do it because what was
The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 16, 1989
written on the poster was nothing but a personal attack. I said that even in US
presidential elections such personal attacks are not allowed. But he said It is
none of your business. Does the communist party not oppose overall
Westernisation? I am just using a method to expose them and we will see who
dares to stop us. I told him that he was violating the criminal law and asked
him what he would do if he were brought to book for slandering others. He said
In fighting for democracy, we are not afraid of the law. I felt so sad that,
with such quality, how could they fight for democracy? After that, I wrote some
notes on what he had said and done. I also took some photos of his big-character
posters. I only want to prove that I did not join him in slandering others.
(3) Guo Xiangdong, a female student in the foreign languages department of
our college, was a very good student. However, some people have made use of her
accident to distort the truth. Her death was really unfortunate, but some people
appeared to have found a treasure when they heard the sad news. They created a
so-called ''murder case'', saying that she had been killed by a police car. As a
matter of fact, she was run over by the No 105 trolleybus. After this incident I
did not quite trust the ''federation of autonomous student unions''.
On day I saw some people writing articles in front of the Monument to the
People's Heroes. Then I learned that they were students from the North China
Polytechnic University and that over 10 students from that school were
The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 16, 1989
responsible for propaganda work on the square. One of them was a male student,
who was short and thin and was writing a ''letter from a worker''. I asked What
on earth are you doing? He smiled and answered I am a spokesman for the masses.
I said Have you not criticised some newspapers for fabricating letters from the
masses? Do you have any evidence? He replied There might be some, but I have not
seen it.
Since then I have completely lost my faith in the propaganda of the
''federation of autonomous student unions''. Rumours, such as There was fighting
between the 27th and the 38th Army Corps; the Foreign Ministry had announced
independence from the government; and the Shanghai municipality had refused to
recognise the ''false central authorities'' were really ridiculous. As a matter
of fact, sometimes the ringleaders of the ''federation of autonomous student
unions'' were also fooled by the rumours they had created.
For example, on 22nd May a rumour spread in the square that some airborne
forces would be sent there that very night. Although it was only a rumour I
noticed that some ringleaders of the ''federation of autonomous student unions''
were really nervous. A student from the People's University, named Xiao, claimed
to be a reporter from a township enterprise newspaper and a well-informed
source. Many people in the square knew him, and Wang Dan and other ringleaders
of the ''federation of autonomous student unions'' had close relations with
The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 16, 1989
him. One day he spread rumours before a crowd that 50,000 workers in the Wuhan
iron and steel complex and nearly 10,000 workers in the Anshan iron and steel
complex were on strike supporting us. He also gave many detailed descriptions. A
little while later he went somewhere else to repeat the rumour, but identified
me as the source. He did not notice that I was standing behind him at that time.
I did not rebuke him immediately, ''taking the interests of the whole into
account''. This made me think that these people were unreliable.
(4) I got to know Liu Gang at a Friday evening activity in the Yuanmingyuan
Salon. He told me that as I had been exposed it was not wise for me to show my
face in public and it was better for me to take part in underground activities.
However, it was deemed suitable for Zhou Yongjun, from the Politics and Law
University, and Chai Ling, from Peking Teachers' University, to show their faces
in public.
As far as I know, there were also many contradictions within the ''federation
of autonomous student unions''. Sometimes they had heated arguments over small
matters. One day Liu Gang told me that someone was very bad. Later I learned
that some ringleaders of the ''federation of autonomous student unions'' had
fought each other at a meeting because of different views.
The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 16, 1989
I also learned some other things from Liu Gang First, there was overseas
involvement in the turmoil. A woman named Pan from Hongkong and with a Taiwan
background stayed at the Peking Hotel and gave a great amount of financial
support to the activities in the square. Second, some supporters from the USA
were instrumental in providing them with broadcast and propaganda facilities.
For example, the broadcasting station at Peking University was equipped by them.
There were also some other channels. For example, the broadcast equipment of the
''federation of autonomous student unions'' was supplied by a certain company.
We got more and more frightened after listening to their broadcasts. The ideas
of all those forces were so different from those of the students. I finally
understood that there can nver be any purely spontaneous student movement and
that no student movement can avoid being used by certain political forces. All
this made me determined to withdraw from the unrest.
There may still be a big gap between my personal understanding and the
requirements of the fourth plenary session of the 13th CCP Central Committee,
but what I have learned is all from practice. I realised how hypocritical the
ringleaders of the ''federation of autonomous student unions'' were when they
advocated ''fighting for democracy and against corruption''. What they really
wanted was to seek their own way out and make themselves men and women of the
hour and what they were advocating was anarchy and a slavish mentality towards
all things foreign. Many students have begun to make a conscientious
The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 16, 1989
retrospection. We cannot rule out the possibility that some may continue to take
the wrong road, but most students have already changed their minds. Please
believe us, we are maturing!
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 8 OF 12 STORIES
Copyright 1989 The British Broadcasting Corporation
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts
July 12, 1989, Wednesday
SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; B. INTERNAL AFFAIRS; 2. CHINA; FE/0506/B2/ 1;
LENGTH: 1909 words
HEADLINE: 'RENMIN RIBAO' EXAMINES ACTIVITIES OF ILLEGAL STUDENTS ORGANISATION
SOURCE:
'Renmin Ribao' overseas edition in Chinese 8 Jul 89
Text of article by Yan Shi (0917 1395), originally carried in 4th July's
'Beijing Qingnian Bao' ''Please look at the true colours of the college
federation' ''
BODY:
The full name of the ''college federation'' is the ''Federation of Autonomous
Student Unions in Peking Universities and Colleges''. In the course of the
The British Broadcasting Corporation, July 12, 1989
Peking student unrest which turned into turmoil and then a counter-revolutionary
rebellion, the ''college federation'' played a very important role from
beginning to end. Because of the complicated nature of the struggle, many
kindhearted people do not clearly understand the true colours of the ''college
federation''. With the supression of the counter-revolutionary rebellion and
exposure of the true nature of a handful of people and various forces who
fabricated, manoeuvred and utilised the student unrest, the
counter-revolutionary nature of the ''college federation'' has been gradually
revealed.
First, the background to the establishment of the ''college federation'' and
its organisational system
Since the first half of last year, some people from the colleges began to
conduct organised activities, advocating various bourgeois liberalisation views
among the students. From the end of 1988 they whipped up dissatisfaction with
the government to make trouble on the occasions of the 70th anniversary of the
4th May Movement, the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution and the 40th
anniversary of the founding of the PRC. In February and March this year, they
were more active in organising various salons and seminars, collecting
signatures, and claiming to stage a democratic movement by 4th May with the aim
of instituting a multi-party system in politics and private ownership of the
The British Broadcasting Corporation, July 12, 1989
economy. When Comrade Hu Yaobang died on 15th April they considered it was a
good opportunity to stir up emotions and moved their original plans up.
From May 1988 some people organised weekly ''democratic salons'' and invited
leading advocates of bourgeois liberalisation, such as Prof Fang Lizhi, to
disseminate their propaganda. On 19th April this year the ''Peking College
Student Solidarity Preparation Committee'' was set up to lead the so-called
student movement at the 16th ''Democratic Salon'', presided over by Wang Dan.
The preparatory committee consisted of seven members Ding Xiaoping, Wang Dan,
Yang Tao, Yang Dantao, Xiong Yan, Feng Congde and Chang Jin. The preparatory
comm ittee laid the foundations for the ''Federation of Autonomous Student
Unions in Peking Universities and Colleges''.
As the unrest turned into turmoil they considered the time was ripe for them
to attack the party and the government. Drawing lessons from past student
unrest, they rushed to organise their own system. On 20th April, over 300
students from different institutions held a meeting, presided over by Ding
Xiaoping, and announced the founding of the ''Federation of Autonomous Student
Unions in Peking Universities and Colleges'', which directly organised tens of
thousands of students to participate in the petition activities in Tiananmen
Square on 22nd April. On 23rd April, ''representatives'' of 21 universities and
colleges held a meeting in Yuanmingyuan Park to found the ''Provisional
The British Broadcasting Corporation, July 12, 1989
Committee of Peking Universities and Colleges'', that is, the provisional
college student federation, and elected Zhou Yongjun, a student at the Peking
University of Political Science and Law, as chairman. The members included Wang
Dan, Wuer Kaixi, Mao Shaofang and Zang Kai. On 28th April, the ''provisional
committee'' held a meeting at the University of Political Science and Law and
replaced Zhou Yongjun with Wuer Kaixi as chairman. The name of the provisional
committee was changed to ''The Federation of Autonomous Student Unions in Peking
Universities and Colleges''. This marked the official founding of the
federation.
Since its founding, the federation has had two remarkable features First,
frequent personnel changes and the stability of backbone members and, second,
multiple names and derivative organisations. For example, a ''Dialogue
Delegation'' was founded on 2nd May, a ''Hunger Strike Delegation'' on 13th May
and the ''Tiananmen Square Provisional Headquarters'' on 22nd May,which was
changed to ''The Headquarters To Defend Tiannmen Square'' on 26th May. The main
reasons for these were First, to meet their so-called ''needs of struggle''. The
purpose was to put up smokescreens. Actually, the ringleaders, Wang Dan, Wuer
Kaixi, Chai Ling, Feng Congde, and Guo Haifeng remained active in various
organisations. Second frequent differences of opinion and disputes arose within
the ''college federation'' in a scramble for power and benefit which resulted in
the disintegration of the federation.
The British Broadcasting Corporation, July 12, 1989
Second the true colours of the ''college federation''
From the preparation to its founding, the federation had a very clear
programme. Its fundamental purpose was to overthrow the leadership of the
Communist Party, overturn the socialist system and annul the four cardinal
principles. Their slogans and specific targets changed constantly in the light
of the development of the situation. At the beginning of the turmoil they
attacked party and state leaders and tried to negate the anti-bourgeois
liberalisation movement and the drive to eliminate spiritual pollution, and to
rehabilitate the ringleadsers of the bourgeois liberalisation. In the course of
the dialogue during the turmoil they demanded that the CCP thoroughly negate the
26th April editorial and bless the demonstrations as a ''patriotic movement''.
They also demanded that their ''Federation '' be recognised as a legitimate
organisation. During the turmoil they openly advocated the dismissal of certain
leading personages and agitated for subversion of the government. Their purpose
was, as Wang Dan stated in an article in the US publication 'World Herald' on
17th May, to ''set up a Westernised political system'', a system of private
ownership of the economy, and a multi-party system in politics
The ''college federation'' was also the direct organiser of the turmoil and
counter-revolutionary rebellion. It took a direct part in creating the turmoil
from its very establishment. It organised the illegal petition in Tiananmen
The British Broadcasting Corporation, July 12, 1989
Square on 22nd April, the city-wide student strike on 24th April and the
demonstrations on 4th May and succeeding days. In particular, it organised a
hunger strike during Gorbachev's state visit to China on 13th May, in an attempt
to impose pressure on the party and the government by using the students' lives
as pawns. On 19th May, the ''college federation'' began to spread rumours after
learning from behind-the-scenes sources that martial law would be declared in
the capital city. The federation said that the troops would enter Peking to
suppress the students. It announced the code numbers of the martial law
enforcement units and their march routes and incited the students and civilians
to block army vehicles and surround the troops. On 25th May the federation held
a meeting at which it worked out two sets of plans and decided to assault the
government fiercely. It also sent five propaganda teams to various parts of the
country to wage unified action. On 2nd June the federation organised an
exhibition of ''trophies'' in front of the Monument to the People's Heroes to
show the military equipment it had illegally looted. At the same time, it
broadcast details of how to make and use Molotov cocktails. The ''college
federation'' also held a joint meeting with the ''Peking Autonomous Workers
Union'' to draw up plans for beating, smashing, looting and burning to be
carried out throughout the country. They were also prepared to set up an
assassination group and had thus become the direct organisers of turmoil.
The British Broadcasting Corporation, July 12, 1989
The ''college federation'' is a traitorous organisation that has collaborated
and formed close ties with foreign reactionary forces, directly accepting their
financial support. According to its own estimates, it needed at least 100,000
yuan daily to continue the activities in the square. Local donations were far
from enough to cover this huge cost. A deputy director of the federation
asserted that they had collected a total of 10m yuan, including 3m yuan in cash.
Overseas funds came from the USA, France and Hongkong. Some people also rented
rooms in the Peking Hotel to provide funds for the students in the square. When
the federation ringleaders finally fled, each had tens of thousands of yuan. The
''college federation'' obtained passports through foreign forces for 40
ringleaders of the organisation to be used when fleeing the country in case the
situation turned disadvantageous to them. They provided foreign press media with
classified state material and information and are trying to fool and incite the
people in China through the foreign media.
The ''college federation'' shouted the slogans of democracy and freedom but,
as a matter of fact, they were a gang of political hooligans. The logic was this
''When rumours are repeated several hundred times they will become truth.'' They
fabricated rumours to stir up the emotions of the students and other people in
an attempt to keep the turmoil going. After Comrade Hu Yanbang's death, the
federation asserted that he was poisoned to death. The purpose was to incite a
studentdemonstration. Subsequently, they fabricated rumours that a ''female
The British Broadcasting Corporation, July 12, 1989
student from the Peking Teachers' University had been killed by a
police car''
and that a ''massacre occurred in front of Xinhuamen Gate on 20th April''. Some
students who did not know the facts were deceived and took to the streets on
21st April. On 22nd April the federation fabricated the rumour that Premier Li
Peng had promised, but then refused, to meet the students, thus aggravating the
students' resentment against the government.
On 13th May it instigated the students to go on hunger strike by spreading a
rumour that the government had refused to hold a dialogue with the students. It
asserted that the hunger strike would last for 30 hours only but, as a matter of
fact, once students joined the hunger strike, they were not allowed to withdraw,
while the organisers of the hunger strike engaged in extravagant eating and
drinking. On 20th May and the days thereafter, they spread the rumour that the
martial law enforcement troops would take repressive measures against the
students and also called on the students to defend the square, thus setting the
students against the government. When a traffic accident claimed the lives of
three civilians on the night of 2nd June, the federation said that three
pro-democracy fighters were killed by a military truck and used this as a
pretext to trigger off a counter-revolutionary rebellion. On 4th June they
fabricated a rumour that the ''troops had carried out a bloody massacre in
Tiananmen Square and that several thousand people were killed'', in an attempt
to instigate the masses to oppose the government. Thus the student movement
The British Broadcasting Corporation, July 12, 1989
developed into a riot and eventually turned into a counter-revolutionary
rebellion because the ''college federation'' kept fabricating rumours to fool
the masses and incite their feelings.
From what it has done, we know that the ''college federation'' was set up
after long preparations and was a counter-revolutionary organisation with an
explicit political programme and target. Spreading rumours was its main method
of inciting the people. It used the good intentions of the masses to stir up
turmoil and counter-revolutionary rebellion. More and more people will surely
see it in its true colours.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 9 OF 12 STORIES
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service
The materials in the Xinhua file were compiled by The Xinhua News Agency. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Xinhua News Agency.
JULY 7, 1989, FRIDAY
LENGTH: 603 words
HEADLINE: student-1 "beijing autonomous student union" unmasked
DATELINE: beijing, july 7; ITEM NO: 0707137
BODY:
the "federation of autonomous student unions in beijing universities and
colleges" played an important role in the whole process of the recent turbulence
in the capital, from the student demonstrations to turmoil and
counter-revolutionary rioting, the "people's daily" reported today. under the
headline, "the true colors of the federation of autonomous student unions in
beijing universities and colleges", the paper said that many people fail to
understand the true nature of the federation because of the complications of
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JULY 7, 1989
the recent struggle. with the quelling of the riots and disclosure of the true
nature of the small number of people and reactionary forces that fabricated,
maneuvered and utilized the student unrest, the counter-revolutionary nature of
the federation has been gradually exposed as well. on the background to the
federation, the paper reported that since the first half of last year, some
people began to conduct organized activities, advocating various views of
bourgeois liberalization among students. from the end of last year, they whipped
up dissatisfaction with the government to make trouble on the occasions of the
70th anniversary of the may 4th movement, 200th anniversary of the french
revolution and the 40th anniversary of the founding of new china. in february
and march this year, they were more active in organizing various salons and
seminars, collecting signatures and claiming to create a democratic movement by
may 4, with the aim of instituting a multi-party system in politics and private
ownership of the economy. when comrade hu yaobang died april 15, they
considered it was a good opportunity to stir up emotions and moved up their
original plans.from may 1988, some people organized "democratic salons" once a
week and invited leading advocates of bourgeois liberalization such as professor
fang lizhi to disseminate their propaganda. april 19 this year, the "beijing
university student solidarity preparation committee" was set up to lead the
student movement at the 16th "democratic salon" presided over by student wang
dan. the preparatory committee consisted of seven members: ding xiaoping, wang
dan, yang tao, yang dantao, xiong yan, feng congde and chang jin. the
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JULY 7, 1989
preparatory committee laid the foundation for the "federation of autonomous
student unions in beijing universities and colleges". as the unrest turned into
turmoil, they considered the time was ripe for them to attack the party and the
government. drawing lessons from past student unrest, they rushed to organize
their own system. april 20, over 300 students from different institutions held a
meeting presided over by ding xiaoping, and announced the founding of the
"federation of student unions of beijing universities and colleges", which
directly organized tens of thousands of students to occupy tian'anmen square
april 22. on april 23, representatives of 21 universities and colleges held a
meeting in yuanmingyuan park to found the "provisional committee of beijing
universities and colleges", that is, the provisional federation of the student
unions, and elected zhou yongjun, a student at the beijing university of
political science and law, as chairman. the members included wang dan,
wu'erkaixi, ma shaofang and zang kai. april 28, the provisional committee held
a meeting at the university of political science and law and replaced zhou
yongjun with wu'erkaixi as chairman. the name of the provisional committee was
changed to "the federation of autonomous student unions in beijing universities
and colleges", which marked the official founding of the federation.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JULY 7, 1989
LOAD-DATE: July 8, 1989
LEVEL 1 - 10 OF 12 STORIES
Copyright 1989 The Christian Science Publishing Society
The Christian Science Monitor
May 3, 1989, Wednesday
SECTION: THE WORLD; Pg. 3
LENGTH: 784 words
HEADLINE: China's Students In Lonely Struggle
BYLINE: James L. Tyson, Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
DATELINE: BEIJING
BODY:
YOUNG activists carrying the same banner for democracy that students raised
in vain 70 years ago say China is still not ready to rally to their liberal
ideals.
Although more than 100,000 students mustered thousands of Chinese last
Thursday in one of the largest anti-government demonstrations under communist
The Christian Science Monitor, May 3, 1989
rule, mass support has wavered under recent pressure of state propaganda and
administrative controls.
The students so far have failed to turn the moral support of common Chinese
into firm, organized activism.
Many students in China today say that, without a broad base of support to
build a viable opposition, they can only promote free expression and democratic
freedoms through sporadic demonstrations.
They say the well-educated alone cannot stand up to the state in a long-term,
overt struggle.
''We're acting out a tragedy. We're destined to fail to bring about democracy
now - but even as a tragedy this movement will benefit China in the long run by
at least raising the dream of democracy,'' says Ye Feng, a philosophy student at
People's University.
The student movement, in a meeting with officials over this past weekend, won
tacit official recognition that appeared to strengthen its role as an occasional
critic of the state.
The Christian Science Monitor, May 3, 1989
Broadcast in part on national television, the meeting was the first of its
kind since the Communist Party took power in 1949.
Yet during the meeting officials from China's State Council and the State
Education Commission formally recognized only two official student
organizations, not an umbrella group representing students from more than 40
campuses.
''The government failed to acknowledge the true representatives and
aspirations of the students, and so its talks are just designed to fool the
media,'' the spokesman for the independent group that has organized the recent
demonstrations said Monday.
The group said at a press conference at Beijing University that students will
continue to boycott classes and stage another mass march tomorrow, the 70th
anniversary of a student rally in Beijing seen as the catalyst for China's
modern political movements.
University students in five other cities have also rallied in favor of
greater democratic reform.
The Christian Science Monitor, May 3, 1989
While appearing conciliatory by meeting with students, the state has tried to
discourage workers from supporting the movement by tightening controls over
Beijing's ''work units,'' the basic organs that administer essential needs to
Chinese workers.
The state has also persistently urged common Chinese to uphold ''stability
and unity.''
Politburo standing committee member Hu Qili warned about 2,000 workers
gathered to celebrate International Labor Day on Monday that China's ''reforms,
open-door policy, and construction will achieve nothing if social stability is
not guaranteed,'' the official English-language newspaper China Daily reported.
The Communist Party's newspaper, People's Daily, sounded the same refrain
Monday, saying in a front-page commentary that ''all the people should work to
safeguard political stability.''
Student leaders say the firm hold of the state on housing, jobs, and other
essential needs of workers virtually guarantees it popular support and
frustrates their efforts to make the movement a mass rather than elite struggle.
The Christian Science Monitor, May 3, 1989
''Peasants and workers have their own livelihood to think about, so it's hard
for them to commit themselves to our cause,'' said Zhou Yongjun, president of
the students' independent umbrella group.
The outpouring of mass support that hailed Mr. Zhou and tens of thousands of
other students as they marched through central Beijing April 27 is likely to
remain incidental and spontaneous at best, he said.
As members of what is perhaps China's most effective dissident movement under
communist rule, students at People's University talk politics with a youthful,
radical zeal that clashes with the ancient, traditional role of scholars in
China as advisers to the state.
With China's illiteracy rate exceeding 25 percent and its per capita gross
national product just $280, many Chinese are too ignorant and poor to pursue
anything other than mere subsistence, student Yang De says.
''During the great French revolution they had a middle class. In the
Philippines, South Korea, and Taiwan they've had a large middle class to carry
on reform. But our middle class is too small and too firmly controlled by the
(Communist) Party to back reform,'' Mr. Yang says.
The Christian Science Monitor, May 3, 1989
Thus, students today face a lonely struggle against autocracy and
rule-by-whim rather than by law, like the Beijing students in the May 4th
Movement of 1919 who vainly tried to transform China with the slogans
''democracy and science,'' he says.
GRAPHIC: Picture, BEIJING DEMONSTRATORS: Says one young activitist, 'We're
acting out a tragedy. We're destined to fail.', ABBAS/MAGNUM PHOTOS
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LEVEL 1 - 11 OF 12 STORIES
Copyright 1989 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Inc.
St. Louis Post-Dispatch
April 30, 1989, SUNDAY, THREE STAR Edition
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 3A
LENGTH: 707 words
HEADLINE: CHINESE STUDENTS, TOP OFFICIALS MEET
SOURCE: Associated Press
BODY:
BEIJING (AP) - Senior government officials met Saturday with student
activistsseeki ng democratic changes but failed to resolve issues that have
caused almost two weeks of large-scale protests against China's political
system. State Council spokesman Yuan Mu and State Education Minister He
Dongchang met for 3 1/2 hours with both student activists and representatives of
officially sanctioned student unions. The meeting was the first government
contact with the student activists. The government has declared their
organizations illegal. The appearance of Yuan, believed to be part of the
St. Louis Post-Dispatch, April 30, 1989
inner circle of the nation's top decision-makers, was an indication of how
serious the government regards the recent student unrest. The meeting took
place in offices of the All-China Youth Federation, a government body
encompassing various youth groups. Wu'er Kaixi, the president of the United
Association of Beijing Universities, a group newly formed by student activists,
was invited to the meeting. But he was not allowed to attend after he refused to
give up a plan to openly denounce the government's position that the association
is illegal. Zhou Yongjun, another representative of the independent student
group who attended the meeting, said the meeting was a failure because the
government side had refused to recognize the legitimacy of the association. He
said the state education minister had repeated the government's argument that
the association was illegal. But, ''He couldn't say which law we've broken,''
Yongjun said. ''That to me was a victory.'' After the protests began, students
at 41 Beijing colleges ousted their school-appointed student federations and set
up their own student committees. Each of the committees in turn chose
representatives to the United Association of Beijing Universities. Zhou said
the weeklong class boycott in force in most Beijing universities would continue.
The students are demanding freedoms of press and speech and a crackdown on
official corruption. Zhou said the students at the meeting had raised questions
of bureaucracy and corruption. He said Yuan had sought to placate the students
by saying that a shrill editorial in the Communist Party's People's Daily last
week had been directed at only a minority of the students. The editorial
St. Louis Post-Dispatch, April 30, 1989
accused the students of being unpatriotic and said they were involved in a
conspiracy to overthrow the Communist Party and the government. Students
reacted to the editorial by staging a 15-hour march through the streets of
Beijing on Thursday. Up to 150,000 marchers were cheered on by tens of thousands
of citizens along the way in one of the boldest challenges ever to the Communist
Party leadership.
LANGUAGE: English
LOAD-DATE: October 22, 1993
LEVEL 1 - 12 OF 12 STORIES
Copyright 1989 The San Diego Union-Tribune
The San Diego Union-Tribune
April 29, 1989, Saturday
SECTION: NEWS; Ed. 1,2; Pg. A-3
HEADLINE: Chinese fail to quell unrest;
Student-government issues unresolved in talks
SOURCE: AP caused almost two weeks of large-scale protests against China's
political system.
State Council spokesman Yuan Mu and State Education Minister He Dongchang met
for 3 1/2 hours with both student activists and representatives of officially
sanctioned student unions.
It was the first government contact with the student activists. The
government has declared their organizations illegal.
The appearance of Yuan, believed to be part of the inner circle of the
nation's top decision-makers, was an indication of how serious the government
The San Diego Union-Tribune, April 29, 1989
regards the recent student unrest.
The Chinese government criticized a U.S. statement on the recent
demonstrations, calling it inappropriate because the demonstrations are "purely
China's internal affair." In Washington, the State Department had said that all
peoples should have the right of peaceful assembly, "including peaceful protest
and freedom of expression."
The meeting took place in offices of the All-China Youth Federation, a
government body encompassing various youth groups.
Wu'er Kaixi, the president of the United Association of Beijing Universities,
a group newly formed by student activists, was invited to the meeting but not
allowed to attend after he refused to give up a plan to openly denounce the
government's position that the association is illegal.
Zhou Yongjun, another representative of the independent student group who
attended the meeting, said it was a failure because the government side refused
to recognize the legitimacy of the association.
Dongchang repeated the government argument that the association was illegal,
but "he couldn't say which law we've broken. That to me was a victory."
The San Diego Union-Tribune, April 29, 1989
After the protests began, students at 41 Beijing colleges ousted their
school-appointed student federations and set up their own student committees.
Each of the committees in turn chose representatives to the United Association
of Beijing Universities.
Zhou said the weeklong class boycott in force in most Beijing universities
will continue. The students are demanding freedoms of press and speech and an
end to official corruption.
GRAPHIC: 1 PHOTO Beijing college students eye poster which pokes fun
at Chinese
bureaucrats
LOAD-DATE: October 30, 1996