WANG W/3 BINZHANG Your search request has found 2 STORIES through Level 1. To DISPLAY these STORIES press either the KWIC, FULL, CITE or SEGMTS key. To MODIFY your search request, press the M key (for MODFY) and then the ENTER key. For further explanation, press the H key (for HELP) and then the ENTER key. LEVEL 1 - 1 OF 2 STORIES Copyright 1989 Chicago Tribune Company Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989, Sunday, NATIONAL EDITION SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 1; ZONE: M LENGTH: 1085 words HEADLINE: Troops attack in Beijing Protesters, soldiers are BYLINE: By Uli Schmetzer and Ronald E. Yates, Chicago Tribune DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: ... New York for "a planned plot against the state." The broadcasts identified the four as Hu Ping, Chen Yun, Wang Binzhang and Tang Guangzhong. Their aim was to "deny the leadership of the Communist Party and the socialist system." Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 China's government often blames "foreign interference" as the ... Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 The broadcasts identified the four as Hu Ping, Chen Yun, Wang Binzhang and Tang Guangzhong. Their aim was to "deny the leadership of the Communist Party and the socialist system." China's government often blames "foreign interference" as the root of domestic problems. The statement said the four belonged to the reactionary China Democratic League organization and the China Spring group, both active in New York. GRAPHIC: PHOTO: AP Laserphoto. Protesters link themselves together Saturday in Beijing in an attempt to keep angry crowds from chasing a group of soldiers who had attacked students with tear gas and truncheons. PHOTO: AP Laserphoto. Chinese students put together this display of equipment dropped by retreating troops in their aborted assault on Tiananmen Square early Saturday. Later, armored personnel carriers and thousands of troops moved into the square in a new attempt to crush the protest. LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 2 OF 2 STORIES Copyright 1989 Chicago Tribune Company Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989, Sunday, CITY EDITION SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 3; ZONE: C LENGTH: 885 words HEADLINE: China troops use tear gas on students BYLINE: By Uli Schmetzer and Ronald E. Yates, Chicago Tribune DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: Chinese troops clubbed protesters and used tear gas for the first time Saturday in an escalation of the confrontation between pro-democracy demonstrators and China's government. The violence erupted near the Communist Party headquarters at Zhongnanhai, a few hundred yards from Tiananmen Square, which the students have occupied Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 since May 13. Witnesses said paramilitary troops charged a crowd gathered around a bus. On the roof of the bus, students exhibited two rifles dropped by retreating troops in their aborted assault on the square early Saturday morning. In order to retrieve the guns, the troops fired about 20 tear gas rounds to disperse the crowd. "They've never used tear gas against the people of China before," said a stunned Chinese businessman. His shock was amplified later when other troops behind the Great Hall of the People grabbed individual protestors and clubbed them in full view of thousands of howling onlookers. "They are beating the students . . . it is just awful," said one onlooker. "I think the government has now lost the people's heart forever." The victims of the beatings, with blood streaming down their faces, were peddled off to hospitals on the flatbeds of tricycles. Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 The troops crouched down on the asphalt pavement behind the Great Hall under a scorching sun, and were surrounded by angry onlookers who shouted, "Don't bloody the people." The crowd exacted some retribution for at least 20 beatings: It pummeled one soldier who had left his ranks. The escalation of violence in what had been a 7-week-long nonviolent uprising against the government, left an ominous atmosphere around Tiananmen Square, which had in recent days taken on an almost festive mood. In the predawn hours of Saturday, thousands of angry citizens had used their fists and words to foil the Chinese army's second attempt in two weeks to evict pro-democracy students from the square. The abortive attempt by the troops to dislodge the students came at 2:30 a.m. But launching the raid in the early hours didn't work as thousands of workers and residents poured from their homes to keep the unarmed soldiers from reaching the square. The soldiers, most of whom looked like young recruits in their cream-colored shirts and olive drab trousers, were quickly repulsed by angry mobs and many Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 were cornered and harangued for several hours afterward by Chinese supportive of the students. While government-controlled broadcasts did not mention the abortive troop attempt to clear the square Saturday, newsreaders reiterated all day an official statement that blamed a group of Chinese prodemocracy activists living in New York for "a planned plot against the State." The broadcasts identified the four as Hu Ping, Chen Yun, Wang Binzhang and Tang Guangzhong. Their aim was to "deny the leadership of the Communist Party and the socialist system." China's government often blames "foreign interference" as the root of domestic problems. The statement said the four belonged to the reactionary China Democratic League organization and the China Spring group, both active in New York. Meanwhile, as the last soldiers straggled back to their units - some limping and without shoes - small crowds gathered at street corners and intersections to discuss the latest government attempt to impose martial law on the capital and clear the square. Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 Many young workers who scuffled with the troops showed off the backpacks and snare lassos - metal bands covered with plastic - that they had captured from the bewildered young troops. "We took everything they had, and we ripped their shirts if they resisted," said a burly young factory hand. "My friends and I have taken turns to make sure nothing happens to the students." Ironically, it was the workers rather than the students who confronted the approaching wave of troops on the eight-lane Avenue of Eternal Peace. "We knew there might be trouble, so many of us went home by midnight. Only a few stayed in the square," a student technician admitted candidly. "It was the workers and the citizens who came out and stopped the troops." "Why did they do this?" asked a university professor who was manning a hastily set-up barricade Saturday. "What could they possibly have hoped to accomplish? Don't they know that they cannot use force to suppress the will of the people? The Chinese people have arisen." The raid on the square puzzled diplomats and observers in China. Some looked at it as another blunder by a leadership that repeatedly has misjudged popular Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 support for a movement that has captured the imagination of many disgruntled Chinese citizens. However, military experts felt the feeble attempt to recapture Tiananmen Square could have been a probing maneuver to see how quickly the students and their allied workers could mobilize their defenses. Earlier in the week, the government began warning the students to clear the square and to remove a 30-foot white plastic likeness of the Statue of Liberty they had erected less than 400 yards from a huge portrait of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the man considered to be the father of modern China. The government now also completely controls the Chinese media, and it has prohibited foreign journalists from interviewing any Chinese citizen without without prior approval. GRAPHIC: PHOTO: AP Laserphoto. A protester shows off a souvenir from a troop bus taken over early Saturday by members of a crowd that repelled China's first use of force against the students occupying Tiananmen Square. Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 1 OF 4 STORIES Copyright 1989 The British Broadcasting Corporation BBC Summary of World Broadcasts August 5, 1989, Saturday SECTION: Part 3 The Far East; B. INTERNAL AFFAIRS; 2. CHINA; FE/0527/B2/ 1; LENGTH: 3925 words HEADLINE: 'RENMIN RIBAO' ATTACK ON YAN JIAQI SOURCE: 'Renmin Ribao' 3 Aug 89 Text of article by Li Jiansheng (2621 1696 3932), ''Yan Jiaqi, the 'elite' of the turmoil'' FE/0526 i BODY: The self-assumed ''elite'' of the intelligentsia are in fact the scum of Chinese intellectuals. In the turmoil and the counter-revolutionary rebellion in Peking, they in fact played roles as plotters, instigators, organisers and commanders. Yan Jiaqi is one of these people. The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 I. For some people, who are not aware of the true facts, Yan Jiaqi is an ''elite academic''. In fact, even 10 years ago, he was interested in street politics and illegal activities, and had harboured some political ambitions. At that time, he was busy coming into frequent contact with the ringleaders of such illegal organisations as the Enlightenment Society and the Regeneration Society in Peking and in other cities, and such illegal publications as 'Siwu Bao' ['April 5th Journal']. He attended meetings, gave advice and even donated money. He also participated directly in various activities under the Xidan Wall, thus becoming an active advocate of Western-style ''democracy'' and ''freedom'', beginning his political career. After the Xidan Wall and the illegal organisations were banned, Yan Jiaqi began his ''academic research'' in political science. His main ''research achievements'' were three books One entitled ''History of the 10-Year Cultural Revolution'', which just rigged up the contents of posters and various rumours circulated during the cultural revolution. The other book, entitled ''On Political Leaders'', preaches bourgeois political viewpoints. The third book is his ''Biography of Thinking'', in which he bragged about himself. His basic political viewpoint is that China should establish a political structure with checks and balances of power through three separate branches of government, The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 and eliminate the leadership of the communist party. He held that Marxism is a ''closed ideological system'' and that safeguarding the purity of Marxism is just ''to protect China's feudalist culture''. In short, what he hoped for was the abandonment of the four cardinal principles and the peddling of American-style bourgeois democracy in China. He maintained close co-operation with and echoed some people who stubbornly stuck to the position of bourgeois liberalisation, and he became an important representative of such people. Therefore, he was called by some people at home and abroad a ''new-type political scientist'', a ''political elite'', a ''theoretical authority in the field of political reform'', a ''fighter for democracy'', a ''representative of liberal intellectuals'' and a ''famous person in the contemporary world''. He thus gained considerable fame for a time, and was frequently invited to ''visit'' some Western countries, where he found favour in the eyes of some Western political leaders. He was also willing to be a mouthpiece of the Western bourgeoisie in China. It is no wonder that he also found favour with Comrades Zhao Ziyang and Bao Tong. In the autumn of 1986, they appointed Yan Jiaqi to an important position in the office of the Central Political Structural Reform Research Group. Bao Tong once telephoned the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, requesting that Yan be kept in the position of the directorship of the Political Science Institute and that an official car be used by Yan so that his activities could be ensured. After that, Yan Jiaqi became a The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 major member of Zhao Ziyang's think tank. In early 1987, after the struggle against bourgois liberalisation began, Yan Jiaqi was investigated by the department concerned. He immediately sought assistance from Bao Tong and wrote a letter to Bao to defend his mistakes. On 20th March, Bao Tong wrote a report in the name of the Central Political Structural Reform Research Group to Zhao Ziyang, saying that Yan Jiaqi's problems that were being investigated were not true but ''were just based on unfounded rumours'', and saying that Yan Jiaqi ''always observed discipline'' and should be kept in the political structural reform research group to continue his work ''as usual''. Comrade Zhao Ziyang immediately expressed agreement with this and wrote an instruction to the appropriate responsible person. Thus, Yan Jiaqi was shielded and kept in a key position. II. After the third plenary session of the 13th CCP Central Committee, when facing strong criticism inside and outside the party, Comrade Zhao Ziyang did not examine his own mistakes, but continued to assume a negative attitude towards the central policy for economic rectification and improvement. Then, that figure in Zhao's think tank tried to stir up an upsurge of ''supporting Zhao through overthrowing Deng''. He made use of some overseas reactionary The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 journals and newspapers to advocate that only with ''Deng Xiaoping's thorough retirement'' could China ''have a bright future'' ''under Zhao Ziyang's dictatorial reform''. This was a political signal. Yan Jiaqi not only maintained connections with Bao Tong, but also maintained connections with anti-communist, anti-China reactionary forces in overseas areas. In the upsurge of ''supporting Zhao through overthrowing Deng'', the most noticeable action he took was to publish his ''dialogue with Wen Yuankai on the current situation''. After it had been polished by a reporter who was rather active in the turmoil and the counter-revolutionary rebellion, the dialogue was published almost simultaneously by 'Jingjixue Zhoubao' and some journals in Hongkong. 'Shijie Jingji Daobao' also published a report about the basic contents of this dialogue. The main point in this dialogue can still be summarised into ''supporting Zhao through overthrowing Deng''. In their own words, the central policy for economic rectification and improvement represented ''retrogression'' and the criticism of Zhao Ziyang's mistakes inside and outside the party would lead to the ''danger'' of ''ruining all the achievements of reform''. If Zhao Ziyang did step down, then China's socio-economic development would face a situation of ''stagnation''. So they must oppose ''non-procedural power changes.'' The word ''non-procedural'' reflected their intention, and should be particularly noticed. This was no longer any academic discussion, but an The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 out-and-out political mobilisation. At the same time, Yan Jiaqi recommended a set of so-called ''procedures''. In November 1988, he spoke to Shijie Jingji Daobao', calling on people to give up the four cardinal principles and stop the struggle against bourgeois liberalisation and spiritual pollution. He attributed the root cause of corruption to public ownership, and called for ''actively developing private ownership''. Through discussing the CPSU history, he called for ''disbanding the Political Bureau'' of the Party Central Committee and establishing a set of so-called Washington-style political procedures. In February 1989, he again talked about ''the necessity of disbanding the CCP central political bureau'' when giving a lecture in Japan. In short, what he pursued and advocated was the Western political structure with the socialist system and the leading position of the communist party abolished. A certain youth magazine also published an interview with him in its second issue of this year, in which he peddled his political ''procedures'' for revising the PRC constitution, reorganising state power and selecting state leaders. What would be done if his ''procedures'' could not be put into practice? He said that ''then, some non-procedural actions will be taken, and people may, for example, resort to violence and turmoil''! Please notice Yan Jiaqi then changed his position from opposing the ''non-procedural'' moves to instigating the ''non-procedural'' moves. His activities echo those of the ''new enlightenment salon'' organised by Fang The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 Lizhi and company, The petition initiated by Chen Jun, the agitating speeches by Ge Yang and other people, the rallies held by Li Shuxian and Wang Dan and the various posters in some university campuses in Peking that attacked the party and the socialist system. They all made direct opinion-forming and organisational preparations for the turmoil. After Comrade Hu Yaobang died on 15th April, a very small number of people immediately took advantage of this opportunity to stir up student unrest and create the turmoil. Among many political slogans being shouted during the demonstrations and the actions of storming Xinhua Gate, the most important were these two To ''rehabilitate'' the reputation of Comrade Hu Yaobang and to thoroughly negate the struggle against bourgeois liberalisation. Yan Jiaqi tightly grasped these two points when giving advice and fanning up the people. On 19th April, 'Shijie Jingji Daobao' and 'Xinguancha' held a forum in Peking which was attended by some public figures. At this meeting, quite a few people directed the spearhead of the attack at the central authorities. In his speech Yan Jiaqi said ''If only we go to Tiananmen Square and have a look, we shall see that they demand nothing but a just appraisal of Yaobang and of some movements in 1986.'' ''On Tiananmen Square I have seen the prospects and hopes of China.'' Not only did he clinch his point by summing up two substantive slogans and turning them into an action programme in the early period of the turmoil, but The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 he also directly applauded the illegal demonstrations and fanned the flames of turmoil. On 21st April, at Bao Tong's suggestion, he and Bao Zunxin put up an ''Open Letter to the CCP Central Committee, the National People's Congress Standing Committee and the State Council'', demanding that the central authorities should acknowledge that the demands raised during the demonstrations and sit-ins were ''positive'' ''democratic demands'' and exerting pressure on the central authorities. Bao Zunxin later told a reporter of Hongkong's 'Pai Hsing' magazine that the letter had ''greatly inspired the students''. After the important editorial of 'Renmin Ribao' was published on 26th April, in line with the central spirit, the Shanghai municipal CCP committee made a decision on reorganising 'Shijie Jingji Daobao'. But this was censured by Comrade Zhao Ziyang. On 4th May he delivered a ''speech at the meeting of the Asian Development Bank'', instructed on 6th May that it was necessary to further increase ''openness'' in reporting the student unrest and, in his talk at a meeting with Gorbachev on 16th May, again made the target of attack Comrade Deng Xiaoping. At this stage, in line with thespirit of what Zhao Ziyang had said, Yan Jiaqi concentrated his attacks on the 26th April editorial, the decision of the Shanghai municipal CCP committee and on Comrade Deng Xiaoping, and plotted the constant escalation of the turmoil. The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 On the night of the major demonstration on 27 April, Yan Jiaqi said This demonstration ''represents our victory.'' On 28th April, he drafted and distributed an open letter, ''Defend Press Freedom'', which was signed by him and some other people. In this letter, he attacked the Shanghai municipal CCP committee's decision on handling 'Shijie Jingji Daobao' and incited support activities and petition meetings by the press circles. As soon as the ''Specch at the Meeting of the Asian Development Bank'' was published, Yan Jiaqi said ''a favourable turn has emerged'' and immediately expressed the need to ''mobilise the intellectual circles in supporting Zhao Ziyang''. Later, he and a group of people like Su Shaozhi and others put up a big-character poster, ''we can no longer keep silent'', urging people in the intellectual circles to take to the streets. On 14th May, Yan Jiaqi and 11 others issued ''Our Urgent Call on Today's Situation'', demanding that the central authorities openly declare that the student unrest as a whole ''is a patriotic democratic movement'' and recognise the ''Peking College Students Autonomous Federation'' as a ''legitimate organisation'', and warning the party and government not to take compulsory measures against the students on hunger strikes for, otherwise, they ''would The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 become persons condemned by history''. After the manuscript was finalised by Yan Jiaqi, the ''Call'' was first read out on Tiananmen Square, then broadcast by the Central Television Station, and then published in 'Guangming Ribao' on 15th May. The demands put forward in the ''Call'' immediately turned into the students' political demands and, through the mass media, a serious situation was created in which the students on hunger strike were used as hostages to put pressure on the party and government. On 15th May, he led some people in holding the first demonstration by what they called ''China's intellectual circles''. he also went to Tiananmen Square to make speeches and support the students in continuing their hunger strike. On 16th May, he again took the lead in joining the demonstration held by some people in the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in support of the students on hunger strike. Together with some people, he issued a ''16th May Statement'', again calling on the party and the government to recognise the ''legitimacy of the students autonomous organisation'' and to admit that the 26th April editorial ''was erroneous''. On 17th May, he again initiated and drafted a ''17th May Declaration'', in which he launched a vicious personal attack against Comrade Deng Xiaoping, saying that ''because the dictator wields unlimited power, the government has The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 forfeited its responsibilities and human nature'', that ''the Qing dynasty has been dead for 76 years, but in China there is still an emperor without the title of an emperor, a dictator who is old and muddleheaded'', and that ''yesterday afternoon, General Secretary Zhao Ziyang publicly announced that all China's policy decisions must go through this old and useless dictator''. He also clamoured ''The gerontocratic politics must end! The dictator must resign!'' Through the aforesaid activities Yan Jiaqi reflected Zhao Ziyang's intentions at the top, and extended his sinister hand to the students and the intellectual circles at the bottom. Importantly, these activities reflected the basic process of the turmoil from its deliberation to its launching and gradual escalation to a high tide. They also brought to light the basic locus of the plotters from preparations of public opinion to the organisation, instigation and direct command of the turmoil. When the ''17th May Declaration'' was issued, their reactionary plot and the political essence of this turmoil were completely revealed. On 17 May, the members of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee Political Bureau discussed the issue of imposing martial law in some areas in Peking. On 19th May, Comrades Li Peng and Yang Shangkun delivered important speeches at a rally for responsible party, government and military cadres, and martial law was declared on 20th May. Comrade Zhao Ziyang opposed the correct The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 decision of the Central Committee, and openly split the party; he exposed his attitude of splitting from the party before the whole party, the whole country and the whole world. Working in conjunction, the small handful of people who plotted and organised the riot, attacked Comrades Deng Xiaoping, Li Peng and Yang Shangkun all the more frantically, and engineered the convening of anemergency session of the National People's Congress (NPC) Standing Committee in an attempt to annul martial law and to impeach Li Peng. They organised large-scale demonstrations against the imposition of martial law. Thus, the riot inevitably developed into a counter-revolutionary rebellion. At this juncture, Yan Jiaqi not only played the leading role in agitation, but emerged on the stage and played the role of the direct organiser and conductor. He displayed unprecedented counter-revolutionary fervour in pushing forward the evolution of the riot into a rebellion. On several occasions in the wake of 19th May, he organised and presided over the joint meetings of ''Peking Federation of the Intellectual Circles'' and ''Peking College Students Autonomou s Federation'' with the participation of Su Shaozhi Wang Dan and Wuer Kaixi, to make plans for unified actions to counter the imposition of martial law. On 20th May, Bao Tong realised that he was doomed to failure, and concluded that ''a solution cannot be found inside the party; and the NPC has to be The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 relied upon''. On that day, Yan Jiaqi said to some people ''Li Peng should be overthrown; it is imperative to impeach him through an emergency session of the NPC Standing Committee.'' He also took part in the grand demonstration to oppose the imposition of martial law, and issued the ''Pledge of the Intellectual Circles'' together with some people, asserting that they would ''never cross their own conscience, never bend their knees to totalitarianism, and never subject themselves to the last emperor of China in the 1980s''. On 21st May, Yan Jiaqi and some people engineered the organisation of a federation of the intellectual circles. The first step would be organising the intellectuals in Peking and the second step would follow and, ''the general goal is to overthrow Li Peng''. On the same day, together with some people, Yan sent a cable to the leading members of the NPC Standing Committee, demanding that they immediately call an emergency session of the NPC Standing Committe. On 23rd May, the ''Peking Federation of the Intellectual Circles'' was officially founded, and Bao Zunxin was in charge of overall affairs. Some people said that once the national federation of intellectual circles was established, Yan Jiaqi would be responsible for its overall planning. A full-text duplicate of ''Declaration of the Founding of the Peking Federation of the Intellectual Circles'' was carried in Taiwan's 'Lien-ho Pao' at the very same time. The ''Declaration'' attacked the decision-making of the Central Committee and the The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 State Council as being perverse, and appealed for the ''prompt'' convening of a meeting of the NPC Standing Committee'' to ''deliberate the bill to impeach Li Peng''. They called members who joined the federation to launch a sit-in in Tiananmen Square that very evening, and distributed the 'Xinwen Kaixun' ['Express'], which they edited in Tiananmen Square. They cursed Comrade Li Peng, and said they would ''send him to the guillotine of history''. On 24th May, the ''Tiananmen Square Headquarters'' and the ''Joint Conference of People of All Circles in Peking'' announced their founding. Thus, the ''Federation of the Intellectual Circles'', organised by Yan Jiaqi and others, officially formed a ''Holy Alliance'' for concerted counter-revolutioanry actions with the ''Peking College Students' Autonomous Federation'', the ''Peking citizens' Autonomous Federation'', the ''Peking Workers' Dare-to-die Squad'', and the ''Peking Workers' Pickets''. Thus the so-called ''cultural elite'' colluded with the scum of society. In their common pledge, they screamed that they ''feared not bloodshed'' in overthrowing the Chinese government. On 26th May, Yan Jiaqi and Bao Zunxin published ''An Open Letter to Li Peng'' in the Hongkong press, and repeated their demand for the annulment of the imposition of martial law in Peking and for the ''impeachment of Li Peng''. The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 On 27th May, Yan Jiaqi participated in organising the so-called meeting to call for a ''hunger strike of 5,000 elite of the intellectual circles. Later, there was a farce of a hunger strike with the participation of only four persons, including Liu Xiaobo, which lasted between 48 and 72 hours. Even in the wake of the counter-revolutionary rebellion, which eventually broke out on 3rd June, Yan Jiaqi continued his direct command. He spent the whole evening of 3rd June on a flyover at Jianquomen to participate in and to conduct the ''activities in blocking military vehicles entering the city proper''. He did not return home until 2230. At about 2330, he headed for Tiananmen Square again to participate in the so-called ''opening ceremonies of the Democracy University,'' and became its ''honorary president''. He delivered a 20-minute agitating speech, asserting that Li Peng ''must resign on his own''; otherwise, ''he will be tried and sentenced''! Yan also yelled that their ''democracy'' must be forged with life and blood. As soon as the order of the imposition of martial law was issued, Yan Jiaqi and his ilk knew that their game was as good as lost. However, like all reactionary elements, they would not take their defeat lying down. Eventually, they organised the elite of the riot and all kinds of scum in society into a reactionary force to wage a desperate struggle to topple the socialist PRC. They were doomed to failure. In the gamble in which Yan Jiaqi lost all his stakes, The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 his dazzling cloak of democracy, the legal system and non-violence was torn to pieces by arbitrarily trampling the Constitution and the law and the brutal atrocities in their evil plot to overthrow the regime of poeple's democracy. His true face as an evil plotter, organiser and conductor of the counter-revolutionary rebellion was entirely exposed. IV. In the wake of the quelling of the counter-revolutionary rebellion, Yan Jiaqi and his wife fled the country with the help of hostile forces overseas. Even as he is now in exile abroad, he has continued to curse the Chinese government and the Chinese people. That is just fine, for he has confessed without being pressed, that he is not only a reactionary element opposing the communist party and socialism, but also scum of the Chinese nation, and he has betrayed the motherland. On 4th July, Yan Jiaqi and Wuer Kaixi published a so-called ''Declaration Marking a Whole Month after the National Sorrow'' in Paris, France. They bellowed that they would found a ''joint committee for China's students' movement and pro-democracy movement'' overseas to create a still stronger ''storm'' in mainland China. Meanwhile, the ringleader of the US-based ''Democratic Alliance of China'', Wang Binzhang, has made a special trip to The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 Hongkong and declared that ''an opposition party in exile will be founded'', while he nominated ''Yan Jiaqi to be the first-term party leader'', and ''the other candidate'' was none other than Fang Lizhi. Wang's statement has served very well to show that traitors and the world's anti-communism and anti-China forces have pinned their hope on Yan Jiaqi. Again in mid-July, Yan Jiaqi called together some people in Paris to hold a secret meeting, and plotted to found a so-called ''democratic front of China'', which aims to oppose the Chinese government and advocates the overthrow of the socialist system in China. It seems that people like Yan Jiaqi who have gained the support of foreign hostile forces overseas will continue to contend with the Chinese people. We must thoroughly quell the counter-revolutionary rebellion; at the same time, we must always maintain our vigilance against the new evil plots of a very small handful of diehards, and their trouble-making at any time. However, we must warn those people Whoever pursues perverse acts and becomes the enemy of the Chinese people will come to no good end. When their evil plot has ended in failure at home, their trouble-making by relying on foreign reactionary forces overseas will only meet with the same defeat. The Chinese people are bound to make progress and to win victories in their great socialist construction and undertakings in reform and opening up, while they are doomed to failure. This is the inevitability of history. The British Broadcasting Corporation, August 5, 1989 LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 2 OF 4 STORIES Copyright 1989 Chicago Tribune Company Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989, Sunday, NATIONAL EDITION SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 1; ZONE: M LENGTH: 1085 words HEADLINE: Troops attack in Beijing Protesters, soldiers are BYLINE: By Uli Schmetzer and Ronald E. Yates, Chicago Tribune DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: Chinese troops launched a fierce assault on Tiananmen Square early Sunday, with armored personnel carriers crashing through barricades and soldiers firing weapons to disperse pro-democracy crowds, witnesses said. The Associated Press reported that thousands of troops armed with rifles marched up the east side of the vast square, which has been occupied by Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 protesters for three weeks. Students threw bottles and other objects at them, while troops beat those who obstructed their path with sticks. Another group of more than 1,000 troops gained a foothold on the southwest corner of the vast square, while throngs of students and supporters tried to block their movement. At least one soldier was killed east of the square when he was run over by a military tank, the AP reported. There were reports that Chinese troops shot to death at least eight demonstrators while trying to enter Beijing to crush the antigovernment demonstrations, but those reports could not be immediately confirmed. Hours earlier, Chinese troops had fired into the air to disperse protesters in the first use of gunfire during the escalating confrontation between government forces and pro-democracy demonstrators. The shots were fired above a crowd that had gathered outside Beijing's Minsu Hotel, which is often used by Western tourists. A witness said the ammunition appeared to be a type of tracer bullet that lighted up the early morning sky in arcs over the heads of the Beijing Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 residents who had closed in on troops at or near the hotel, which is about four miles east of Tiananmen Square. "The trees looked as if they were on fire" in the glow of the bullets, the witness said. Before the gunshots began, he said, two soldiers were beaten unconscious by members of the crowd. The hotel where the clash occurred is near the headquarters of the government-run radio and television stations, which made no mention of the violence. The Associated Press quoted witnesses as saying that one person was killed and five were wounded in the confrontation, but that report could not be confirmed. The incident followed Chinese troops' first use of clubs and tear gas on protesters. That violence erupted Saturday near the Communist Party headquarters at Zhongnanhai, a few hundred yards from Tiananmen Square, which the students have occupied since May 13. Before the assualt on the square Sunday, hundreds of thousands of people poured into the streets throughout the capital early Sunday in an attempt to Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 block military trucks carrying troops to the square. At one spot about four miles west of the square, near the Jianguomenwai overpass on a main road in the city, a convoy of 70 to 90 military trucks was brought to a halt by a crowd of several thousand people blocking the road. The soldiers in those trucks looked bewildered as the crowd thronged around them, rocking their trucks and occasionally climbing into the vehicles. Those troops, who sat looking at the scene with their helmets off, appeared to be unarmed. In the earlier eruption of violence Saturday, witnesses said paramilitary troops charged a crowd gathered around a bus. On the roof of the bus, students exhibited two rifles dropped by retreating troops in their aborted assault on the square. In order to retrieve the guns, the troops fired about 20 tear gas rounds to disperse the crowd. "They've never used tear gas against the people of China before," said a stunned Chinese businessman. Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 His shock was amplified later when other troops behind the Great Hall of the People grabbed individual protesters and clubbed them in full view of thousands of howling onlookers. "They are beating the students . . . it is just awful," said one onlooker. "I think the government has now lost the people's heart forever." The victims of the beatings, with blood streaming down their faces, were peddled off to hospitals on the flatbeds of tricycles. The troops crouched down on the asphalt pavement behind the Great Hall under a scorching sun, and were surrounded by angry onlookers who shouted, "Don't bloody the people." Early Sunday, student leaders in the square had attempted to defuse the potentially explosive situation by agreeing to allow several hundred troops to retreat unimpeded into the Great Hall of the People. The troops, who had been bottled up behind hall for hours while angry mobs of Chinese workers harrangued them, were part of the force that earlier had fired tear gas at the demonstrators and had beaten at least a dozen with wooden clubs and belts. Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 It was the first violence in more than seven weeks of China's student-led pro-democracy movement and it was the first use of tear gas against the Chinese people since this nation was founded in 1949. Beijing was abuzz over the re-emergence of Qin Ji Wei, China's defense minister. Qin had been thought to be under house arrest for refusing to allow the military to move against the demonstrators. He was shown on state-run television speaking to soldiers who had taken part in an abortive attempt in the early hours of Saturday to retake the huge square. Qin's reappearnce led many diplomats in Beijing to speculate that China's moderates in the political hierarchy, led by Zhao Ziyang, had worked out a deal with the hardliners, led by Premier Li Peng. Qin, they speculated, may have allowed the use of troops to dislodge the students from the square in return for guarantees that Zhao and other moderates would not be purged. As news of Saturday's attack spread, crowds began to converge on the center of Beijing until by Saturday evening some 300,000 jammed the world's largest public square in support of the students. Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 "Our government is very bad," a Chinese worker told a reporter. "You must tell the world what these evil men are doing to our people." While government-controlled broadcasts did not mention the abortive attempt to clear the square Saturday, newsreaders reiterated an official statement that blamed a group of Chinese pro-democracy activists living in New York for "a planned plot against the state." The broadcasts identified the four as Hu Ping, Chen Yun, Wang Binzhang and Tang Guangzhong. Their aim was to "deny the leadership of the Communist Party and the socialist system." China's government often blames "foreign interference" as the root of domestic problems. The statement said the four belonged to the reactionary China Democratic League organization and the China Spring group, both active in New York. GRAPHIC: PHOTO: AP Laserphoto. Protesters link themselves together Saturday in Beijing in an attempt to keep angry crowds from chasing a group of soldiers who had attacked students with tear gas and truncheons. PHOTO: AP Laserphoto. Chinese students put together this display of equipment dropped by retreating Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 troops in their aborted assault on Tiananmen Square early Saturday. Later, armored personnel carriers and thousands of troops moved into the square in a new attempt to crush the protest. LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LEVEL 1 - 3 OF 4 STORIES Copyright 1989 Chicago Tribune Company Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989, Sunday, CITY EDITION SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 3; ZONE: C LENGTH: 885 words HEADLINE: China troops use tear gas on students BYLINE: By Uli Schmetzer and Ronald E. Yates, Chicago Tribune DATELINE: BEIJING BODY: Chinese troops clubbed protesters and used tear gas for the first time Saturday in an escalation of the confrontation between pro-democracy demonstrators and China's government. The violence erupted near the Communist Party headquarters at Zhongnanhai, a few hundred yards from Tiananmen Square, which the students have occupied Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 since May 13. Witnesses said paramilitary troops charged a crowd gathered around a bus. On the roof of the bus, students exhibited two rifles dropped by retreating troops in their aborted assault on the square early Saturday morning. In order to retrieve the guns, the troops fired about 20 tear gas rounds to disperse the crowd. "They've never used tear gas against the people of China before," said a stunned Chinese businessman. His shock was amplified later when other troops behind the Great Hall of the People grabbed individual protestors and clubbed them in full view of thousands of howling onlookers. "They are beating the students . . . it is just awful," said one onlooker. "I think the government has now lost the people's heart forever." The victims of the beatings, with blood streaming down their faces, were peddled off to hospitals on the flatbeds of tricycles. Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 The troops crouched down on the asphalt pavement behind the Great Hall under a scorching sun, and were surrounded by angry onlookers who shouted, "Don't bloody the people." The crowd exacted some retribution for at least 20 beatings: It pummeled one soldier who had left his ranks. The escalation of violence in what had been a 7-week-long nonviolent uprising against the government, left an ominous atmosphere around Tiananmen Square, which had in recent days taken on an almost festive mood. In the predawn hours of Saturday, thousands of angry citizens had used their fists and words to foil the Chinese army's second attempt in two weeks to evict pro-democracy students from the square. The abortive attempt by the troops to dislodge the students came at 2:30 a.m. But launching the raid in the early hours didn't work as thousands of workers and residents poured from their homes to keep the unarmed soldiers from reaching the square. The soldiers, most of whom looked like young recruits in their cream-colored shirts and olive drab trousers, were quickly repulsed by angry mobs and many Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 were cornered and harangued for several hours afterward by Chinese supportive of the students. While government-controlled broadcasts did not mention the abortive troop attempt to clear the square Saturday, newsreaders reiterated all day an official statement that blamed a group of Chinese prodemocracy activists living in New York for "a planned plot against the State." The broadcasts identified the four as Hu Ping, Chen Yun, Wang Binzhang and Tang Guangzhong. Their aim was to "deny the leadership of the Communist Party and the socialist system." China's government often blames "foreign interference" as the root of domestic problems. The statement said the four belonged to the reactionary China Democratic League organization and the China Spring group, both active in New York. Meanwhile, as the last soldiers straggled back to their units - some limping and without shoes - small crowds gathered at street corners and intersections to discuss the latest government attempt to impose martial law on the capital and clear the square. Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 Many young workers who scuffled with the troops showed off the backpacks and snare lassos - metal bands covered with plastic - that they had captured from the bewildered young troops. "We took everything they had, and we ripped their shirts if they resisted," said a burly young factory hand. "My friends and I have taken turns to make sure nothing happens to the students." Ironically, it was the workers rather than the students who confronted the approaching wave of troops on the eight-lane Avenue of Eternal Peace. "We knew there might be trouble, so many of us went home by midnight. Only a few stayed in the square," a student technician admitted candidly. "It was the workers and the citizens who came out and stopped the troops." "Why did they do this?" asked a university professor who was manning a hastily set-up barricade Saturday. "What could they possibly have hoped to accomplish? Don't they know that they cannot use force to suppress the will of the people? The Chinese people have arisen." The raid on the square puzzled diplomats and observers in China. Some looked at it as another blunder by a leadership that repeatedly has misjudged popular Chicago Tribune June 4, 1989 support for a movement that has captured the imagination of many disgruntled Chinese citizens. However, military experts felt the feeble attempt to recapture Tiananmen Square could have been a probing maneuver to see how quickly the students and their allied workers could mobilize their defenses. Earlier in the week, the government began warning the students to clear the square and to remove a 30-foot white plastic likeness of the Statue of Liberty they had erected less than 400 yards from a huge portrait of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the man considered to be the father of modern China. The government now also completely controls the Chinese media, and it has prohibited foreign journalists from interviewing any Chinese citizen without without prior approval. GRAPHIC: PHOTO: AP Laserphoto. A protester shows off a souvenir from a troop bus taken over early Saturday by members of a crowd that repelled China's first use of force against the students occupying Tiananmen Square.