On the eve of a new century and a new
millennia, China Democracy Party would like to take this opportunity to
review the century just past and to put into perspective our mission.
This review shall enable us to better delineate our position on major
issues facing China. In the new century, we intend to move forward with
a clear direction and with a renewed resolve.
Ever since written history, world civilizations largely have fallen
into two categories. One category, that began some five thousand years
ago, is the agrarian and herding civilization. It is authoritarian in
nature. It uses either a natural or command economy. It usually has a
single ruling ideology. In these civilizations, religion and state are
usually inseparable. The other category of civilization is the one
started back in ancient Greece. It disappeared for a long period of time
and returned some five hundred years ago. This civilization is based on
trading and industry. It has a democratic political system, and a market
or free economy. It allows a multitude of ideologies to coexist. Its
state and religion are separate.
During the period of agrarian and herding civilization, China had
long led the world. It had created the most brilliant culture and the
most advanced institutions of its kind. The trading and industrial
civilization came after the agrarian and herding civilization and it was
built on the base of the latter. Since the Renaissance, the trading and
industrial civilization has been expanding at an alarming rate. It soon
conquered the world and overtook most parts of the agrarian and herding
areas. At the end of the Ming Dynasty and the beginning of Ching, these
two civilizations came into contact. They came into full conflict after
the outbreak of the first Opium War of 1839 in China.
China, the old civilization, lost every war she was forced to enter.
Faced with the West's mechanized gun boats, China's intellectual class
reacted. Their solution was to adopt western technology only, and yet to
refuse changes to China's main political and philosophical principles.
The defeat of China in the Sino-Japanese war of 1894-1895 proved that
the strategy, of adopting Western technology only was a failure. The
intellectual class then demanded further changes. This time the list of
changes included China's political institutions from antiquity. This is
known as the Hundred Day Reform of 1898. Its failure ushered in a new
group who demanded nothing less than a revolution. The revolutionaries
had their first success in the 1911 Revolution. In 1912, China became
the first republic in Asia. This marked the first time China joined the
modern world of trade and industry.
The new republic soon met with numerous set-backs. It nevertheless
inched forward with the help of the May-Fourth Movement of 1919 and the
Northern Expedition of 1926. At around 1930, the new republic had
achieved some early success and prosperity. However, the Japanese
invasion of China in 1937 interrupted China's transformation towards
becoming a modern state.
The rise of communism worldwide was a response to the ills of early
industrialization. The Chinese Communism, however, was a different
phenomenon. In truth, it was a contending force to be the next ruler of
China, as well as a dissenting force in the direction of China's
transformation. The Chinese Communists called for the rise of peasants
to take land from landlords. They called for the rise of workers to
seize assets from the capitalists. And they called for the rise of
citizens and the intellectual class to demand a so- called "new"
democracy (meaning the party had sole authority to interpret and to
execute the will of the people). They finally seized power in 1949 from
the hands of the Kuomintang Government who was at the time struggling
towards a transition to constitutional democracy.
After coming to power in 1949, the communists established a "joint
government" based on the principle of "new" democracy. It gave brief
hope to China's modernization. Soon it unleashed its programs of
agricultural collectivization, and of nationalization of private
industries. Many purges followed. The best known among them were the
anti-rightist purge of 1957 and the Cultural Revolution of 1966. This
series of programs and purges were aimed at giving the party a total
monopoly on power and resources. Any base for a civil society was, by
then, totally removed. Thus in China, socialism and totalitarianism
united into one. In the end the Chinese people paid a hefty price. In
return, they were further away from a modern democracy.
The Chinese people are now waking up. At last, the devastation of the
Cultural Revolution has taught the Chinese people to push back.
Beginning in 1974, the big character poster, titled "Democracy and the
System of Law" sounded the first dissent from the masses. It was
followed by the April Fourth Movement of 1976. These dissents forced
Deng Xiaoping to start the program of reform and the Open Door policy of
the past 20 years. His early reform programs for China also helped
trigger an avalanche of reforms in socialist states elsewhere. After the
collapse of the world's socialist camp in 1989, China began to dismantle
its planned economy, still, ever so reluctantly. It began to adopt the
market economy and to establish ties with the industrial world. Finally
these reforms triggered a fast economic growth in China in the past 10
Overall, China has made progress nationally and economically over the
past 100 years. Yet, in the same period, it has made no progress in
terms of democratization. In this regard, it actually regressed in the
last 50 years. Without democracy, China will continue to be an outsider
in the modern world. With an authoritarian state, and a single ruling
ideology, China will continue to lag behind overall human development.
During the latter part of the 20th century, the developed countries
of the world have entered the post-industrial era. A new civilization,
based on information and knowledge more advanced than those from the
industrial age, is rising. Whither China?, is the concern of all of us
who care for the future of China.
A Democratic Political System
In our view, the urgent need to democratize and the key social
changes that China must go through in the new century, can take one of
two approaches. One is self-initiated, rational, peaceful and without
bloodshed. In this approach, the Chinese Communists will speed up
political reform. It will fundamentally change its policies and
political beliefs and transform itself into a social democrat, a labor
or a liberal party. It will abandon one-party rule and allow for the
existence of opposition parties. It will move steadfastly towards free
elections, including the election of the president.
On the ideology front, it will accept freedom of speech and freedom
of press. It will start, at the earliest possible time, a discussion
with the people about the need for a new constitution. Over time a power
structure that is distributive and counter-balanced and a constitutional
democracy will be put in place. This way China will become part of the
modern world. Taiwan is a prime example of this approach. It has shown
China and the rest of the world of what can happen to a Chinese society
in the process of democratization.
The contrary approach is one that is reactionary, irrational, violent
and bloody. In this approach the Chinese Communists will resist real
political changes. In its place, piecemeal remedies will be applied to
an unending series of crisis. Furthermore, they will continue to uphold
the Four Cardinal Rules which insist on one-party rule. They will
continue to crack down on oppositions and dissidents and to resist free
elections. They will continue to control speech and press. As a result
major social issues will not be resolved in a timely manner, leaving
situations to fester until eruption. Large-scale street violence and
bloodshed will become unavoidable in this approach.
History is littered with examples of bloodshed caused by late
reforms. Unfortunately, we see no signs whatsoever from the current
regime that it is moving towards a self-initiated, rational, and
peaceful transformation. All signs indicate the communists are
begrudgingly moving along an irrational path and crisis is deepening
China Democracy Party's mission is to bring about China's
transformation into a democracy and a modern society. In China's
history, we have never had a democracy before. This makes our task
doubly difficult. At the beginning of this century, Dr. Sun Yat-sen said
it is more important to know what to do than how to do it. This comment
was made during a time when the world had few democracies. Today
two-thirds of all countries in the world are democracies. We now know
what to do. It is now more important to know how to do it. Mature
democracies around the world have by now accumulated a wealth of
knowledge. We have the guidance not only from British and French
philosophers and the American forefathers, but also from our own painful
experience under a totalitarian state in the past 50 years. On the whole
there is not much dispute on the main direction we are taking. Whether
to choose a presidential or a premier-based system and the details of
implementation can be debated and worked out in the years to come. It is
time to take actions. We have talked about democracy for too long. Let's
"just do it" as a western exhortation would prescribe.
A Free Market Economy
A democracy depends on its citizens' sense of rights. Citizens' sense
of rights comes from their willingness to defend their properties. Only
in a free market economy, can private property fully take root.
By 1989, after 10 years of reform and the June 4th massacre, the
communists led by Deng Xiaoping finally accepted that a market economy
will do a better job than a planned economy. In the 4th plenary session
of the 15th Chinese Communist Congress, they decided to free up the
light industries. However they continue to hold onto the giant state
(party controlled) enterprises. This allows them to maintain the
situation wherein their political power continues to overlord the
Marxism holds that the conflict between privately owned production
and large scale state-owned production will inevitably led to the
triumph of socialism over capitalism. Yet the current popularity of
international companies and their mergers and acquisitions have shown
capitalism is sound and well. This shows the said conflict between
private and state-owned production can be resolved and resolved well.
Similarly, the situation described in length by Marx, in "Das Kapital",
of the deprivation of women and child laborers in the early phase of
capitalism has long been condemned by the world. After the June 4th
Massacre and the fall of the Berlin Wall, Stalin and Mao's
state-capitalism has been proven to be a complete failure. In truth,
state ownership is really party ownership with the working class having
no say whatsoever.
If history would have us view state ownership as the antithesis to
private ownership, than the logical synthesis would point to public
ownership. Public ownership can take two forms. One form is a private
enterprise owned by a multitude of share holders. The other form is a
fake: pretending that state ownership is equivalent to public ownership.
They are fakes even with their current, much delayed, measures of
rent-seeking and share ownership. For without a clear settlement of
ownership any form of rent-seeking, or contracting out or selling shares
will not protect itself from the meddling of the state or the party.
Chronic low efficiency will still be with them. Public ownership via a
state will not be able to survive in a market economy for long. Instead,
the worldwide accepted share ownership by individuals or by legal
entities will turn out to be the true form of public ownership.
There is another strong reason to oppose state ownership. This is
because, hiding behind the state, is a party dictatorship. Its unfair
and unjust nature not only leads to waste and low efficiency, but also
to a concentration of power. Clearly, on the concrete slab of state
ownership one can only build a pyramid of dictatorship. It is never
fertile soil for the bloom and fruition of a democracy. On the other
hand, only private ownership can lead to real ownership by the public.
Real ownership by the public liberates the production power of the
masses. It will stimulate people's creativity and productivity.
In the last 20 years of this century, we have seen the Chinese
Communists begrudgingly and stealthily inch towards privatization. Based
on the same population and the same land mass, the limited privatization
so far has already enabled the Chinese economy to take off. We have to
ask, with all these results, why not boldly move forward in the
direction of private ownership? For China, we believe privatization of
small to mid-size enterprises and privatization or share ownership of
big enterprises are better forms of ownership. This also points the
direction that the current reform of China's state enterprises should
We believe only when individuals are allowed to choose their own
paths, when their rights are protected and when a private ownership
environment exists that encourages innovation, then China's economy will
develop healthily and China's democracy will be on a path of no return.
In the few remaining days of this century, China and the United
States finally signed an agreement allowing China to enter the WTO. The
China Democracy Party applauds this move. This development represents an
important milestone in the hundred years-long quest by China to become
part of the mainstream of the modern world.
Pluralism of Ideologies
Civilization is built on the coupling and mutual support between its
economic, political and ideological paradigms. Transformation of a
civilization is therefore a linked and steady movement of all three. If
any one of the three has a prolonged advancement or retardation the
other two will be affected and the direction of that civilization will
also change. China, if it continues to hold onto a single ruling
ideology, will not become a modern civilization. The cultural and
intellectual world of China will continue to stagnate. Only a plurality
of ideologies will provide China the broadest intellectual platform, the
widest space and the most tolerant value yardsticks. Insisting on a
single ideology will only hold us back and wither our growth.
It is apparent to all that China's cultural giants of the recent past
have had their creativity curtailed since 1949. They have become
ordinary and subservient. Many of them even became debased, petty and
have squandered their past reputation. At the end of the Cultural
Revolution, people like Guo Mo-Ruo and Mao Dun called for China's own
literary star of the grandest class. In addition, China's Academy of
Social Science and state-appointed philosophers have called many times
for the emergency of grand scholars and China's own philosophical
school. In China's scientific and cultural circles there are people, so
then how do we explain the success of overseas Chinese and their claims
to Nobel prizes?
In addition to the backward research environment of China, the
absolute rule of state ideology and the water-tight control on belief
and speech have all contributed to the problem. China is now facing a
world of accelerated scientific and technological advancement. The
Chinese communist leaders want to promote science and technology. They
do not understand that science and technology need the support of a
humanistic environment. Without a relaxation of control over ideology,
the humanistic environment will be lifeless. Without a lively humanistic
environment, technology innovation will be limited. The only eight
official operas during the Cultural Revolution aside, today we still
have the Central Propaganda Department cracking down on the slightest
deviation in newspapers, magazines and publishing houses. Cultural and
audio visual material off the official limit will be banned instantly.
How can we expect a flourishing and creative population under such a
barbaric and dictatorial cultural policy? Without a wholesale change to
the political and humanistic environment, any call for innovation or
catching up with the West is a dream and an uphill battle.
Our Position on Major Issues:
1) on human rights:
It used to be very dangerous to
bring up the issue of human rights to the Chinese Communists. It is less
dangerous now, but still a very tiresome endeavor. Human rights is built
on the base of humanism. The material base of human rights is on the
inviolability of private properties. The Communist Party came to power
by its outright rejection of humanism and the stripping of all private
properties. The Chinese Communiss always use class struggle and class
dictatorship to suppress humanism. In 1983, during the Anti-Spiritual
Contamination Movement, the highest organ in the party in charge of
ideology unleashed a barrage against diversity, humanism and
humanitarianism. Their insistence on class conflict effectively shuts
out all recognition of universal human values.
The Chinese Communists' first mention of human rights came after the
June 4th massacre of 1989. After 1989, China faced internal and external
condemnations and economic sanctions. Then China started reluctantly to
talk in human rights terms. Yet still today, it uses survival and
development as rights in defense of its lack of political rights for its
citizens. This kind of rhetoric, in essence, is an admission that China
is a primitive state. For even the most primitive and most barbaric
state will not oppose the survival of its subjects. In today's world no
advanced state will shirk away from its responsibility to protect the
political rights of its citizens.
The fundamental reason of forming a government is for the welfare of
its people. 200 years ago, the American forefathers had declared that
the right to life, freedom and the right to pursue happiness are the
reason people form governments among themselves. People have the right
to change or even remove a government should it harm the pursuit of
these rights. Chinese people should regain their sense of being the true
master of their country.
In the past couple of years, the Chinese government signed the two
international covenants on human rights. We call for the early
ratification of these two covenants by the People's Congress. The China
Democracy Party fully intends to play its role as an opposition party.
It will make sure the party in power carries out its obligations as
required by the two covenants and that China will shoulder its
responsibility as expected by the international community.
2) on stability
All Chinese want a stable
environment. People are sick and tired of government orchestrated
political movements and the communists' perpetual revolution. There are
two kinds of stability. One is achieved under an intense political
terror. It is a static and surface kind of stability. It hides many
social unrests beneath the surface. The unresolved social issues
continue to build looking for the next incident to erupt. Stability thus
achieved is only temporary and it will lead to future disturbances. True
stability is dynamic. It achieves progression in the midst of debate,
friction, conflict and competition. When social crisis get resolved via
competition, negotiation and compromises, a society has arrived at a
true stability with vitality.
We oppose the use of stability as an excuse by the current government
to crack down on opposition and dissidents and to further delay reforms.
Insisting on a rigid and conservative approach to the current crisis of
China will only acerbate problems and make situations more chaotic.
Modern chaos theory as well as history have shown us that old systems in
their final stages degenerate towards chaos. Out of the chaos, a new and
higher order will emerge.
3) on the issue of June 4th Massacre
popular belief, the June 4th Massacre of 1989 was not an isolated event
started by naive students. From the perspective of modern Chinese
history, it forms part of the hundred years-old opposition to
dictatorship and corruption. It demands social justice and democracy.
From the perspective of the last 50 years, it is a continuation from the
April 5th movement, the Democracy Wall, and the student movements of
1986 and 1987. Although it was triggered by the funeral of party leader
Hu Yaobang, the crisis had been building since the 1986 and 1987 crack
downs on student movements. Hu was forced out and many well known party
intellectuals were expelled as a result of the 1987 crack down. What
followed was rampant inflation and a financial crisis. Reform came to a
halt. The arch-conservatives in the party re-asserted their control. The
senile leadership was at a cross-roads and at a loss at whether to move
forward or retreat. The reform and conservative factions of the party
were inching towards a major confrontation in early 1989. Under this
situation, students and intellectuals had signed a number of petitions
asking for human rights, democracy and the release of political
prisoners. They also demanded a stop to corruption by officials and high
ranking party members. Students asked the government for dialogues on
these issues and to restart reform. The party once again wrongfully
treated these requests as a frontal attack by a class enemy. As a result
of this wrongful assessment, the party pushed itself, step by step,
towards the final bloodshed on June 4th in Tiananman Square.
The Chinese people as well as the government can extract many lessons
from the June 4th Massacre. The sacrifice and the heroic acts of Chinese
citizens and students were far-reaching. It changed not only Chinese
history but also contributed to the downfall of the communist world and
an early end of the Cold War by late 1989. We have no doubt that their
sacrifice and heroic acts will be recognized by history. Their
tormentors will also be remembered by history as the perpetrators of
shame and crime.
We call on the Chinese Communists to formally set up an impartial
investigation of the massacre. It must prosecute those bearing the major
responsibilities of the massacre. It must compensate the victims and
their families. It must come clean in front of the Chinese people and
the rest of the world.
4) on corruption and social justice
It has been a
public outcry that China's anti-corruption promises are always
ineffective and even outright lies. In 1999, faced with an economic down
turn, the government decided to spend 54 billion to raise salaries
across the board by 30%. It was further stipulated that this amount must
be in the hands of people before Oct 1st, the national day. These
measures are to stimulate consumption and to keep the economy moving.
This seems like a good move. But when compared to the more than 100
billion squandered each year by government officials on feasting and the
117 billion in illegal funds from various departments discovered by the
auditor general for the period between January and June of 1999 alone,
this measure appears insignificant. Corruption at all government levels
and their abuse of position, leads to further waste of public funds in
the hundreds of billions each year. Many mega-projects cannot be
completed. Of those completed many turn out to be sub-standard and at
the verge of collapsing. This kind of loss is unaccounted for and
perhaps also in the hundreds of billions each year. If these holes can
be plugged it will generate more than enough funds to help the
unemployed and the weaker groups of society.
For more than a decade, the Chinese people saved and contributed to
"The Hope" project for children who cannot afford to go to school. A
total of 1.7 billion was collected over a ten year period. This amount
is but a drop in the bucket. The prosecution of just a few corruption
cases can recover more than enough for the improvement of the education
Corruption may not be eradicated instantly under a democracy. But one
thing is for sure, that under the current undemocratic situation,
corruption can only grow further.
5) on peasant issues
The problems peasants face are
the most acute problems of China today. From a demographic point of
view, China is still an agrarian society. Although China's economy and
its ideology is heading towards industrialization, its political
structure and bureaucracy, particularly those at the local level, are
still based on an agrarian model, or even Middle-Ages like.
In the 1990's China still had 70% of its population as peasants. They
are at the bottom of China's social classes. They are the weakest, the
least empowered, and the most taken advantage of group in China. Before
the relaxation of the household registration system of the past 20
years, the peasant population were firmly held down to the land. Their
movement outside their village had to be approved. At one time their
biggest dream was merely to visit a city. During the 20 years of reform
some of them were allowed into cities to work as labors, taking up the
dirty and dangerous jobs city folks refuse to do. They are the poorest
group and without their own political representation.
Most of the 200 million illiterates of China are peasants living in
rural areas. They are a simple, kind hearted and docile people. As a
result they are the easiest to rule. They were the group who bore the
lion's share of the cost of China's industrialization. They scarified
the most and yet when tens of millions of them died of hunger in 1964,
they still didn't rebel. For many years they remained the last group
loyal to the communists. However, in recent years they have come to the
end of their patience. The continued fleecing of their rightful income
via a myriad of excuses and the breakdown of the justice system have
forced many of them to take up open revolt. These peasant revolts appear
to be widespread and their scale is increasing.
The most urgent task at hand is to change the de-facto second class
citizen status for the peasants. Only after the peasant population
becomes unshackled can changes be brought forth to China's antiquated
agri-business. New agri-investment, effective land resource management,
and the correct positioning of China's agri-business under the WTO will
then be fully supported by the liberated peasant population.
Without the modernization of the peasant class, China will not
succeed in its transformation to a modern world. All modern states today
have gone through the process of urbanization, the spread of civil
society and a universal education system. With its huge population,
China's rural economy is a great potential market. The unshackling of
the peasant population will prove to be the greatest release of the
hidden potential of China.
6) on free trade unions
In the midst of China
becoming a market economy and trading with the rest of the world, the
relationship between labor and government is also changing. While the
government is getting out of state enterprises, pushing them to become
companies with share ownership, labor's main negotiations will no longer
be with the government. Instead it will be with the management of
Government should play the role of setting rules and regulations. In
addition it should play the role of a referee between labor and
management. This will help resolve labor unrest and enhance stability.
The current problem is while enterprises are fully recognized and
protected by law, laborers are not. Laborers still do not have their own
identity or representation before law. Therefore legislation of a trade
union bill is urgently needed. This bill will allow the formation of
free trade unions. Trade unions thus formed will represent laborers in
their negotiations with management as well as government. This bill
would also create the mechanism whereby labor unrest will be resolved in
a peaceful and lawful manner.
China has signed the two UN Human Rights covenants. Section 8 of the
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights specified the rights to
organize, the rights to form national and international trade union
associations, and that these rights shall be guaranteed by law. At the
moment, tens of million workers are let go in the name of privatization
of state enterprises. Many of the unemployed workers are on the street
demonstrating. Therefore, the rights of citizens to organize and the
rights of workers to form their own unions should be our first priority.
Currently, non-government organizations must be approved by the
government. The ruling party and the government use this mechanism to
forbid the forming of any organization they dislike. This in essence
negates a citizen's right to organize and therefore is against the
Chinese Constitution. The China Democracy Party has pushed hard for the
right to form free trade unions. For this, many of our members are
currently in jail.
7) on rule of law
A modern economy needs an
environment whereby constitution rules supreme and with a system that is
based on the rule of law. The Chinese Communist Party is now claiming
they are heading towards rule of law. Yet it still insists on one-party
rule. The party is still above the law and overlords everything. It is
clearly an empty gesture to say they want rule of law. Today we have
laws in China. But these laws are not derived via any consultation with
the people. As a result the law of how we are governed is unjust and
unacceptable. We need a new constitution that is fair and acceptable to
all. Moreover the new constitution must be above all political parties.
This includes the party in power.
The heart of the problem is that the Communists see the world through
the lens of Marxism. Marxism claims the purpose of a state is to be the
tool of oppression of the ruling class. It follows the law of the land
and its constitution represents only the will and security of the ruling
class. The communists being the current ruling class, any adjustment to
the law and constitution will be arranged to further its rule and its
vested interests. The law and constitution thus designed does not
protect the rights of the ruled and disallows any dissent. A case in
point: the new law on demonstration promulgated after the June 4th
massacre became a laughing stock internationally. Outside of China it is
known as the law of no demonstration.
The diverse need of the Chinese people can not be satisfied by a law
and constitution designed for the sole benefit of a single group, i.e.
the Communists. Thus the current constitution and rule of law have lost
their meaning to the Chinese people, including many low-ranking party
members. 20 years ago, at the end of the Cultural Revolution, a debate
was started on whether the party should be above the law. This debate is
still on-going. The Communist Party still refuses to give a clear answer
on this question. Today they are swallowing the poison fruit of their
own sowing. Some low-level officials at the county level openly declared
that the party secretary of the county government is also above the
constitution. If the party secretary of all levels of government start
to claim supremacy over the constitution, a just and fair society will
not be possible. Fair competition, fair taxation, fair distribution of
wealth, fair sharing between labor and management, between peasants and
city folks and fair competition between parties all become unattainable.
Rule of law must be built on the base of a fair and democratic
structure. Therefore the current body of law and constitution must
After the Second World War, the ruling Kuomingtang party invited the
Communist Party and all the other parties of the time, into an exercise
of constitution drafting. By Jan 1946, all parties involved came through
with a constitution draft know as the Double Ten Draft. Unfortunately,
the civil war soon broke out. The Double Ten Draft never had the chance
to function as an unifying force. 50 years later, looking back, the 1946
draft still shines like a star beckoning to us the value of diversity
and democracy. Surely, the 1946 draft should be used as the base for a
new constitution draft. The 1946 draft may even help us in resolving the
unification and the Taiwan issue.
8) on education
Education is invaluable to the
economy and modernization. China has a thousands of years-old tradition
of valuing education. The severe damages done to the education system of
China during 1960s and 1970s by the Communists will be with us for a
long time to come. In the last 20 years, China's higher education went
through two major expansions. The first was basically a recovery from
the Cultural Revolution. At that expansion China merely resumed
university entrance examinations. The second and recent expansion of
higher education is in part an effort to stimulate the economy, and to
encourage education consumption. In this recent move, private
contributions are welcome. We support these expansions.
The current education system and its deficiencies are widely known.
There are two major bottle necks which are still taboos for public
debate. One is independent private schools, particularly universities.
China needs good private universities, especially the comprehensive type
with humanities, social science, science, and technology all included.
The second bottle neck is on the reform of curriculum. The monopoly of a
single ideology in social science and humanities must go. In its place,
diversity, modernity and liberalism shall be the norm to align with the
advance education systems of the world.
Education should never again be the tool of propaganda for party
ideology, nor the training ground for future generations of party
functionaries. Education is the business of all Chinese. Our future
depends on it. It shall never be a set up for the benefit of a single
class, party or group. Currently, reform of the education system lags
behind reforms of all other areas. This is because control over the
education system is deemed vital to the survival of the current
authoritarian rule. We expect a long road ahead of us.
9) on ecology
The concept of ecology, environment
and sustainable development are now widely accepted. Even the political
conservatives acknowledge these concepts. However, accepting the
concepts does not necessary result in actions. Here we want to show the
relationship between ecology and democracy.
First, we understand ecology is not only a Chinese issue, but also a
global issue. Its protection requires international coordination. Such
coordination between nations are usually guided by international
institutions and treaties. In addition, results will also be heavily
influenced by the existence (or not) of effective non-government
watchdogs in each country. This is also exactly where the problem lies
as far as China is concerned. The level of damage to China's ecology is
already at the brink of disaster. Continued at the current rate, China
may become an uninhabitable ghost-land for many generations to come.
China' ecological problem cannot be resolved without China being
democratic at the same time. Without the strong media watchdogs of a
democracy, profit motives and vested power are unchecked. Damages done
to the ecology will continue to rise.
When the effective counter weight of a democracy is absent, major
ecological disaster are prone to happen. This is because those in power
and their lackeys, who often dream of glorious and monumental projects,
will be completely unopposed. Under an un-democratic environment,
independent scholars and environmentalists will be silenced. Even the
mild China Sustainable Development Association was banned last year.
Therefore our position is we support the concern on ecology. But
democracy needs to take place first for ecology protection to be
meaningful. We also believe, if China's transformation is as smooth as
Taiwan's, China may be able to reduce the level of damage to its
ecology. On the other hand, if China's transformation should take a
irrational and violent route, then we are afraid a major ecological
disaster will be unavoidable. This is absolutely what we want to avoid.
10) on military
The military is supported by tax
dollars and its purpose is to defend a country from external threats.
Hence it belongs to the people and should obey only the will of the
people. The military should never be the private property of one party.
Our position is the military must belongs to the state, not the
party. It should be neutral in politics. We oppose any meddling in
politics by the military. We observe that in many countries, when
transiting towards democracy, the military usually takes the side of
dictators and becomes a stumbling block towards democracy. This is
because, in addition to their self interest, their main role in these
countries is to suppress internal revolts instead of protecting the
country from without. In a democracy, the military will not have the
role of internal security. That role belongs to the security police.
Therefore, the need for the military to meddle in internal politics is
absent in a democracy.
Today's democracies rarely go to war between themselves. Most
conflicts between democracies can be resolved by political, economic, or
diplomatic means. This is in contrast to the many wars between
dictatorships throughout history. Wars do happen between democracies and
dictatorships. The 20th century has seen two World Wars and many
localized wars of this nature. They all end with the democracies coming
out victorious. Should the entire world become democracies, chances of
war will be further reduced. An age of peace will be with us. Clearly
the mega-trend of the world today is towards democracy and arms
reduction. Correspondingly, the military trend is towards downsizing and
high tech. The huge savings from a small military, if used on education,
science, and technology will bring great benefit to a country and its
When countries have no territorial ambitions, the military becomes
truly a defense force. In such countries, its strength does not come
from its military but from its advanced social institutions. The
strength of its economy and technology are its true deterrent. The
military then becomes a force of last resort. Only those countries, with
the ruling class treating power as their private properties, will
continue to cling onto the military.
11) on minorities The Chinese people are an
amalgamation of many races. During its thousands of years history, there
were times the Han Chinese ruled over the minorities. As well, there
were times the minorities invaded and ruled over the Hans. Over
thousands of years, amalgamation took place of both race and culture and
we have accumulated a wealth of knowledge in dealing with issues between
Based on all the UN human rights covenants, we strongly advocate the
equality between all races and the equality and freedom of religion of
all races within China. We believe a varying degree of self-rule is a
way to harmonize race relationships and is the base for a united and
prosperous China for all.
The dictatorship of the Communists is indiscriminate. The Han
Chinese, being the majority, bears the brunt of its cruelty. Without
overcoming the tyranny in its bulk, the rights of minorities will have
even less of a chance. The urgent task at hand is to unite all races in
the fight for democracy. Only when democracy is established, can the
rights of minorities be protected and race relationships become
Self-determination was successfully used during the time the
colonized people fought for their independence. We need to point out
that the self-determination mentioned in all the UN documents are
related to conquered people by another country. When colonization is not
involved, UN deems it incompatible with its charter for there to be any
attempt to split a member country.
China is a huge land mass where different races have come together in
the long years of history. It is not the result of colonization. We
therefore oppose the misuse of self-determination in the context of
China. It can only lead to discontent and even disaster.
12) on one country with two systems and the issue of
We are confident a solution will be found on the
issue of Taiwan. Clearly, the Taiwan issue hinges on China's
democratization. Without democracy in China, Taiwan is unwilling to
return. This is to be expected. For most, it is better to be poor under
a democracy than to be rich under a dictatorship. People in Taiwan have
both wealth and democracy. Naturally, they are doubly unwilling to be
ruled by communism. Many in China today will go into debt, or take to
the seas, or even risk their lives to emigrate. These are Chinese who
grew up under communism. One can hardly accuse them of being
unpatriotic. In effect they are saying: we are willing to be patriotic,
but first the country must deserve our devotion. It is human nature to
love freedom. A place without freedom and human rights dispels rather
Unification between China and Taiwan, from an economic point of view,
should not have major impediments. This is because both sides believe in
a market economy and will become one market area overtime. From the
stand point of race, culture and religion, there are no major
impediments to unification either. The only impediment comes from the
different ways of life across the Taiwan Strait. China is a dictatorship
while Taiwan is a democracy. Once China becomes democratic this last
impediment will also go.
The Chinese Communist leadership used to insist on a forced
"liberation" of Taiwan in the first 30 years of their rule. After reform
they came to realize that people in Hong Kong and Taiwan live a better
life than theirs. It became obvious that it is futile to force socialism
onto them. They then retreated to the current position of one country
with two systems. It begs the question: If the two systems continue, how
is it different than two separate countries? The natural thing to do is
to have one country with one system. It behooves us to compare and
select the best system for our one country.
The Communist Party must come to grips with this reality.
Accordingly, it should let all know that there is a plan and a time
table to move away from one country with two systems. The one country is
neither the People's Republic of China nor the Republic of China. It is
a confederation inclusive of both and other special regions. Only boldly
facing this reality will help us resolve the issues between all sides.
Eventually, one country with the best system will bring forth the
harmony and prosperity we aim for.
The China Democracy Party solemnly declares that under the current
situation in China, that is when people have no say under an
undemocratic regime, no mandate can be established whatsoever to take
military action against Taiwan. Therefore we oppose any military move on
13) on foreign policies
After the Second World War,
international diplomacy, under the guidance of UN and the UN Declaration
on Human Rights, focused on world trade and world peace. A democratic
China will be suitable as a strategic partner with the US and Europe for
world peace. In the past decade China has found itself in an awkward
position with its foreign relationships. Its root problem is not due to
a ganging up on China by the West, nor is it due to a concerted effort
to villify China, as the China Communists believe. China's problem
internationally is due to its image as a serious offender of human
rights internally. Moreover, it consistantly sides with international
rouge states who have committed crimes against humanity. China becomes
their spokesman and their ringleader. This further tarnishes China's
image. A democratic China will extricate itself from its current
isolation caused by the wrongful policy of the current regime. It will
cease its confrontational stance towards the West. China will become
part of the mainstream. As a result, China's international standing
should greatly improve.
China shall not enter into an anti-US alliance with Russia. This is a
long and lonely road leading to a lengthening of the Cold War and a
dead-end of joint poverty with Russia. China will not seek hegemony.
China will accept the status quo of one super power in the midst of many
powers. It will work to reduce confrontation and mistrust with the US,
Europe and Russia. Real partnerships will be formed with them for world
China will support the expansion of NATO. We welcome the union of all
European countries. We advocate concrete assistance from the West to
help Eastern Europeans' economic recovery.
China will actively participate in UN human rights activities
internationally. China will accept the position that human rights come
before sovereignty. Based on this principle, China will join forces with
other leaders of the world to build a new world order in the new
In the Asia region, China will, on the one hand continue its watch of
Japan's sincerity in its reflection on war crimes, and any hint of a
revival of Japanese militarism. On the other hand China will support the
two Koreas uniting under a democracy. China, Japan, and a united Korea
will cooperate in maintaining peace in Asia. China will work to earn the
respect of the world. Its strength and its moral stance shall be
commensurate with its stature as a world leader.
The China Democracy Party opposes the current propaganda of the
Chinese Communists. It is designed to deflect legitimate criticism of
China's human rights record. Moreover it is fanning an anti-West
sentiment among the young. It misleads the younger generation to equate
patriotism to anti-West sentiments. In so doing they have bound the
future of the young to that of the Communists.
14) on transition to democracy
We have a clear
understanding that democracy is not ideal. An ideal system does not
exist in real life but in an utopia. In a democracy there may be many
short-comings. But, when compared to the evils of a totalitarian system,
these short-comings are insignificant. Democracy thus becomes the best
political system human society has known so far.
Authoritarian states have been around for a long time. They sometimes
even overcome some democracies. However, authoritarian states have three
fatal flaws. One is its succession problem. Its succession usually takes
the form of passing power to successively weaker or even incapable
rulers. Or it can take the form of a violent putsch. Secondly, an
authoritarian system does not have an effective feedback mechanism
within its decision making process. Disastrous or even self-destructive
decisions won't be checked until too late. Thirdly, the absolute power
of an authoritarian state leads inevitably to corruption. Privileges and
corruption are unstoppable in such systems. In the long run
authoritarian systems can not compete with the more healthy democratic
We also do not expect the transition from an authoritarian system to
a democracy to be a simple switch-over. China, with a long tradition of
authoritarian rule, may have to go through a few reversals in its
migration towards democracy. The history of many democratic countries
tells us democracy will overcome eventually. Matured democracies are now
established in many countries. China's migration towards democracy began
at the Hundred Day Reform of 1898. By now we have gone through the
see-saws between reform and dictatorship a number of times. We believe
these types of wild swings will subside over time, eventually settling
down to a stable state of democracy. The see-saw process is both painful
and destructive. The high price involved often frightens people away
from reform. Yet the pain we are currently suffering can be likened to
the pain of birth. This is the price the Chinese people must pay to end
thousands of years of despotic tradition and to usher in a new age of
democracy and vitality.
In the 1920's, Dr. Sun Yat-sen proposed a three-step process towards
democracy. The first step would be a military rule for the eradication
of war lords of the time. This would be followed by a training period
when a number of democratic practices will be under trial. The third
period would see China becoming a full constitutional democracy. At the
time, the Chinese Communists opposed this plan under the pretense that
they wanted full democracy immediately. Today, some 80 years later, this
plan still looks very attractive. If the Chinese Communists are truly
concerned about the shock effect of a transition to democracy, and not
an excuse for holding onto power, then we would like to see a time table
from them. The time table should tell us when they will migrate from
their version of a "training period" to a full constitutional democracy.
Ten years, twenty years, thirty years, forty years? We demand a time
In the whole of the 20th century, the Chinese people have been
searching for a path to revival. We have sacrificed for the cause and
bore the pain and the suffering in the process. At the end of the
century we have gained the clear understanding of where we are heading
with a renewed determination. In the new century we will go all out
until final victory.
Last but not least, we strongly
demand the release of our leaders Mr. Xu Wenli, Mr. Wang Youcai , and
Mr. Qin Yongmin. We also call for the release of our leaders who were
sentenced to long prison terms in the second wave of crackdowns this
past year. They are Mr. Cha Jianguo, Mr. Gao Hongming, Mr. Liu Sijun,
Mr. Wu Yilong, Mr. Mao Qinxiang, and Mr. Zhu Yufu.
The release of other dissidents is also an important concern of ours.
They are Mr. Hu Sigeng, Dr. Wang Ce., poet Yu Xinjiao, Mr. Peng Min, and
Mr. Jiang Qisen. We call for the immediate stop to further persecution
of our party, and of all dissidents. We also call for the immediate stop
to persecution of Fa Lun Gong and other religious groups and their
We do not advocate violence. On the other hand, we do not back down
from violence thrown at us. Our endeavor is what history demands of us
and therefore is an inevitability. We are but the continuation of
thousands who have gone before us. To think that arrests and white
terror can stop us is to misjudge our time and where the world is
heading. Mr. Cha Jianguo in his recent trial in Beijing, said: "China
Democracy Party members are not afraid of death. What then is the
significance of a jail term to us?" This exemplifies our righteousness
and our confidence that truth is on our side. We do not shut out a
Communist out of hand. We even hope that China's thousands of years of
authoritarian rule together with its draconian measures will end with
the help of the Chinese Communists. We therefore call on Chinese all
over the world, our friends internationally, and even the reform
factions of the Communist Party to join forces with us to bring about a
In the new century, we hope to see more happy times for the whole
nation and less confrontations in the streets. Our enterprise may have
its ups and downs but we can never be stopped. This is because we align
ourselves to the common goal of the Chinese people and to the future
direction of the human race. We believe those who align themselves with
the future can never be defeated. Compatriots, China Democracy Party
will join hands with you. Together we shall boldly embrace the new
century of democracy!
China Democracy Party
Beijing Head Quarters
2000 01 01